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Dielli | The Sun

Albanian American Newspaper Devoted to the Intellectual and Cultural Advancement of the Albanians in America | Since 1909

Russia Risks a New Cold War in the Balkans

April 25, 2017 by dgreca

By David L. Phillips*/

The front line in Russia’s Cold War lies in the Balkans. Serbia is the epicenter of Russia’s anti-American agenda, which aims to destabilize pro-western states with NATO and European Union (EU) aspirations.Serbia is a convenient ally for Russia. The two countries have deep historical and cultural connections. Russia gained further favor by strongly opposing NATO’s intervention in 1999.

Vladimir Putin endorsed Serbia’s President Aleksandar Vucic when they met last month in Moscow. Putin also promised weapons. Russia’s “donations” of military equipment include six MiG-29 jets, with modern missiles, radar, and communication systems, as well as tanks and armored reconnaissance vehicles. Serbia also seeks BUK anti-aircraft systems and S-300 surface to air missiles.

Russia has a spy base in Nis in southern Serbia to monitor western activities in the region. Moscow denies espionage, insisting the base is used for flood relief and fighting forest fires.

Security cooperation with Russia enjoys broad support among Serbs. Most Serbs support joint military exercises. Nearly two-thirds of Serbs view NATO as a threat. Though the West provides four times more investment, Serbs see Russia as their primary commercial partner.

Russia is stoking tensions in Kosovo, which remains a dangerous flash point almost a decade after declaring independence. In January, Belgrade sent a Russian manufactured train to Mitrovica adorning its coaches with signs in Cyrillic and Russian declaring “Kosovo is Serbia.” When Kosovars objected, Vucic threatened military action.

Kosovo Serbs built a wall north of the Ibar River in Mitrovica and threatened to secede. They covered the wall with posters of Vladimir Putin. Russian media exacerbates tensions by engaging in anti-NATO propaganda. Sputnik, a Russian state news agency, has an active satellite office in Belgrade.

Russia also foments conflict in Bosnia. In November, Russia supported a controversial referendum by Bosnian Serbs, setting the stage for secession. Bosnia is deeply divided with the Republika Srpska moving towards separation.

In Macedonia, Russia tacitly supports the ruling VMRO party of Nicola Gruevski, which is becoming increasingly anti-American and anti-EU. Macedonia is the hub of fake news outlets, manufacturing stories that defame US politicians, US officials, and well-intended western philanthropists.

Montenegro is another proving ground. Authorities arrested 20 Serbian agents for plotting a coup on election day in October 2016, accusing Russian “state organs” of complicity.

US allies in the region are rallying.

Montenegro will attend NATO’s Summit next month as a full member.

Kosovo seeks support for establishing armed forces and assistance with its National Action Plan to prevent violent extremism.

Albania offers bases to enhance NATO air operations and counter-terrorism efforts.

Croatia, a NATO member, will buy jets and other equipment from the West in response to the Serbian buildup. It rebuffed specious offers of assistance from Russia to fight fires last summer on the Adriatic coast.

Bosnia reaffirmed its commitment to joining NATO, over the objection of Bosnian Serbs under Belgrade’s control. Bosnia rejected Russia’s “agreement of understanding” on joint actions in case of natural disasters.

Putin cynically pursues Russia’s self-interest, projecting influence in the Balkans. He heralds Slavic and Orthodox solidarity, but cares little about the targets of Russian influence. To Putin, the Balkans represent a vulnerable underbelly of the West, ripe for meddling.

The US should respond to Russia’s aggression by intensifying its economic and diplomatic contact. It can help stabilize fragile states in the Balkans through security cooperation aimed at preventing violent extremism and countering-terrorism.

Most people of the Balkans are pro-American and share European values. The US and the EU can effectively confront Russia’s challenge through more extensive engagement.

*David L. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights. He worked as a Senior Adviser to the State Department’s Bureau for European Affairs during the administrations of Presidents Clinton and Bush. He is author of Liberating Kosovo: Coercive Diplomacy and US Intervention.

 

Filed Under: Analiza Tagged With: david phillips, in the Balkans, Russia Risks a New Cold War

The New York Times: Hiking Beyond Borders in the Balkans

March 30, 2013 by dgreca

Peter Grubb, the owner of an Idaho-based outfitter called ROW Adventures, sat in the corner flipping through maps under the lone working light bulb. We were in Room 305 of Hotel Rosi, a bright yellow block of a building in Gusinje, a predominately Muslim community in the former Yugoslav republic of Montenegro. South of here, a rocky trail climbed steadily into a vampiric maw of limestone peaks. Tomorrow we would follow that trail and slip virtually unnoticed into Albania.

That would have been among the stupidest things you could do had it been the 1980s, when Albania was the North Korea of Europe. From World War II until his death in 1985, the Communist leader Enver Hoxha hammered Albania into an oppressive hermit state. He extirpated dissent, outlawed religion and lowered the age for executions to 11. The “Great Teacher” hermetically sealed the borders and distanced himself from other Communists. “We have fought empty-bellied and barefooted but have never kowtowed to anybody!” he once howled at Nikita Khrushchev, the Soviet leader.

Hoxha’s final heart attack and the eventual collapse of Communism hailed the beginning of the end of Albania’s isolation, and in recent years the once-tense border region separating Albania, Montenegro and Kosovo has become the kind of place you’d want to visit. Aid money, remittances and relative stability have helped create a middle class, and tourism in the region is beginning to boom. Guides take groups kayaking under stone bridges in Montenegro, hiking around Albanian archaeological sites and even skiing in Kosovo. New hotels are pumping fresh life into stale Communist hangouts, even if the water isn’t always hot.

“If you want luxury, sorry, go to Paris or New York,” Kela Qendro, a 33-year-old Albanian working for a small tourism company, told me later. “You come here to see the real stuff. The shepherd. The old woman picking pomegranates. You go up to villagers and they will invite you inside their home for the joy of meeting you.”

Mr. Grubb, who runs about seven trips a year to Croatia, had long been fascinated with this less-developed region of the Balkans. About a year ago he learned of an intriguing new way to explore it — on foot.

The Peaks of the Balkans Trail, a project coordinated by the German Agency for International Cooperation and involving dozens of other groups (including women’s associations, tourism offices and environmental nongovernmental organizations), formally opened last year as a 120-mile trek designed to foster tourism and teamwork among historically quarrelsome neighbors. The path literally links Muslim, Catholic and Orthodox enclaves, as well as Slavs and numerous Albanian tribes in three adjoining national parks, each showcasing the border region’s inestimable beauty. Towering rock walls scream for thousands of feet into an unimpeachable sky. Farmhouses gather like asters in valleys. Wolves and lynxes pad through landscapes soaked in green.

There would be no real roughing it, since locals have turned ancestral homes into rustic inns offering beds, homemade cheeses, meats and brandy. Even wandering across remote, unmanned borders is now legal, thanks to a new permit system introduced last summer. Mr. Grubb needed only some roll-with-it travelers willing to be his guinea pigs before offering the trip for real. Seven gregarious Texans and I signed up.

Now, sitting in the hotel room, Mr. Grubb put down the map and sighed. He seemed restless. We were about to head deep into the Albanian Alps, better known as the cursed mountains, some of Europe’s most glaciated peaks after the Swiss Alps and the highest summits of the Dinaric Alps. The whole trail could be hiked in about 10 days, but we had just 5 to do parts of it. Even so, there were big days and taxing climbs ahead. We would be among the first American-outfitted groups to wander into the maw, and in these parts, the order of things is more mystery than fact.

“This could be more cutting-edge than I thought,” Mr. Grubb said, and he switched off the light.

EARLIER THAT DAY I had met the Texans at the airport in Podgorica, Montenegro’s pint-size capital. Rainey Rogers, a former amateur boxing champion, was the youngest in the group at 49. Richard Dill, a retired pharmacy franchise mogul whom everyone called Dick, was the oldest at 73. Mark David, a real estate investor, had rallied the guys around the hike.

It was dark when we arrived in Gusinje, but the morning dawned bright and warm. Mount Rosi, the hotel’s 8,274-foot-high namesake, rose to the southeast, while the 8,838-foot-high pyramid of Mount Jezerca lorded over the south.

Around 9 a.m. Enes Dreskovic, the newly minted director of the Prokletije National Park, one of the three border parks, roared up in a hunter-orange Pinzgauer, a military transport vehicle, to take us to the trail head. The bench seats in the back were too small for all of us, so I stood on the rear bumper and clung to the roll bars as we bounced down country lanes. Women in head scarves snapped upright from their fields to watch us, while Rainey hurled Blow Pops to children who stared from the side of the road. A gentleman in a pinstripe vest steered a horse cart groaning with firewood.

We were alone when we ground to a halt in the Ropojana Valley, a fairy-tale scoop of swaying pines and scalloped ridges that even the Pinzgauer could not penetrate. The trail began in earnest here. An Albanian from Theth, our goal 12 miles away, had supposedly left the village at 3 a.m. with horses to carry our luggage, but there was no sign of him.

“Well, welcome to the ‘A’ in adventure travel,” Mr. Grubb said, scratching his red beard. He proposed the only logical Plan B: to stuff what we needed into our daypacks and rendezvous with our bags two days later. The Texans seemed less annoyed than antsy to get romping through the magnificent landscape.

“Let’s repack and get after it,” boomed Paul Pogue, a pilot.

Rocks as white as marble complained under our boots as we marched toward a broad meadow in the midst of a beech forest. A griffon vulture performed lazy 8’s overhead. Shards of silvery-gray limestone shot into the sky like missiles. Of all the images I’d had of the region, none were as beautiful as this.

“Amazing, isn’t it?” Mark marveled.

By early afternoon we had crested the Peja Pass, a treeless scab of rock and wind with an elevation of about 5,000 feet. Ghostly stone barracks stood guard with tattered burlap billowing in the window frames. Inside I found a pair of size 9 dress shoes and rooms reeking of ungulates. Dome-shape bunkers with machine gun slits and roofs splintered like blooming onions fortified the high points. Fearing an invasion from all directions, Hoxha had built an estimated 700,000 of these death pods around a country smaller than Maryland.

“Welcome to Albania,” bellowed our 28-year-old Montenegrin guide, Semir Kardovic, mimicking gunfire.

The 2,600-vertical-foot climb to the pass had been difficult but the 4,000-vertical-foot descent into Theth was brutal. Down and down we plummeted along a series of knee-smashing switchbacks into an enormous glacial valley. By dusk, pointy houses with orange light seeping from the doorways winked through the forest. We made our way toward one, a medieval-looking guesthouse with squat windows and stone walls.

“Good evening,” said the keeper, Pavlin Polia, greeting us. He was in his early 30s, tall with midnight hair and a Roman nose. His Kosovan wife, Vlora, fetched some glasses while his brother, Nardi, shook our hands. We did our best to ignore his black eye. “Fight,” Nardi shamefully explained.

Inside the main room a slender stringed instrument called a cifteli hung on the wall above a barrel filled with bowling balls of cheese. Rainey limped in and lay his head down on a long wooden table while Dick collapsed onto one of the 15 beds upstairs. I slugged two shots of plum brandy, convinced we had wandered back in time.

Like many Albanians, Mr. Polia had fled the country as soon as he could. He worked in construction in Italy and still remembers his first Pepsi. He returned to his family home in Theth a decade later and converted it into a guesthouse that opened in 2009. Now 300 people a year stay with him, the equivalent of half the village, each paying about 25 euros, or about $31 at $1.25 to the euro, for a bed and meals.

“In Italy I had lots of opportunity to make money, but that was not my passion,” he told me over wild marjoram tea.

I headed upstairs to wash but Mr. Polia stopped me.

“Don’t forget your luggage,” he said.

“You have my bag?” I asked, incredulously.

“Of course,” he said. “I brought it with the horses.”

THAT NIGHT FATIGUE sloughed off my body into a pile of warm blankets and I awoke to the prickly scent of roasting peppers. After a breakfast of eggs, curds and jam, Mr. Polia bade farewell as we shouldered our packs and stomped off toward the village of Valbona, about eight and a half miles east. We passed a stone chapel set in a pasture. The area is so rugged that the Ottoman Turks, who were Muslims, were unable to control the region as they did most of the Balkans for 500 years. As a result, both Theth and Valbona are still Catholic.

Mount Arapit, a 7,274-foot peak with a southern face as sheer as Half Dome at Yosemite, seemed to size me up as I crossed a wooden bridge and began to climb through maple, ash and hornbeams. It was not yet 10 a.m. but already muggy. Less than two miles in I collapsed. We had gained 800 vertical feet. Only 3,000 more to go.

There had been debate the night before about how many horses to bring in case someone needed a ride. The men seemed too tough to admit to wanting any, but the Day 1 damage was clear. Rainey had pulled a hamstring. Dick had taken a tumble. In the end, Mr. Grubb hired one extra horse, which was fortunate when Richard Abernathy, a 60-year-old lawyer, began to hint that his heart was acting funny.

“I’m fine,” he countered. “Richard, get on the horse!” Paul barked, and Richard reluctantly climbed into the saddle atop a small, flea-bitten gray.

He wasn’t riding for long, though. Soon the trail fell some 2,500 feet into a broad alluvial basin. A van waited for us at the start of a rocky road that joined an asphalt street poured only a few weeks earlier. The effect was rattling. New Colorado-style lodges with exposed timber beams seemed to be going up everywhere.

“A lot of locals are moving back to the area, which is very encouraging,” Antonia Young, a British research fellow who has worked for more than a decade to create an international peace park in the region, told me later. “The danger now is that tourism gets too big before they can cope with it.”

Kol Gjoni Jubani had seen it all change so fast. He met us in the courtyard of his guesthouse, a concrete chalet built in 2005 next to a destroyed stone hut in which he had been born more than 50 years ago. Mr. Jubani looked like a Balkan cowboy with jeans and a glorious Sam Elliott mustache. His son, Ardit, 19, showed me upstairs to a room with five beds; I claimed the one with a Disney blanket in the corner.

“What do you think of Albania?” Ardit asked me after a dinner of chicken, lamb and spicy peppers.

“For such an old place, something about it feels refreshingly new,” I replied.

“Maybe that’s because it is new,” Ardit laughed. “We are still growing up.”

TO BE SURE, Albania has had some wobbly moments on its new capitalist legs. In 1997 Albanians lost $1.2 billion of their life savings in pyramid schemes that sparked a rebellion against the government and resulted in about 2,000 deaths. A 2012report by Transparency International ranked corruption there on par with Niger, where soldiers in 2011 were arrested for plotting to murder the president, who had recently begun investigations into corruption. Even tourism, which has nearly tripled in six years from about 1 million foreign tourists to 2.7 million in 2012, according to Albanian figures, has been unable to escape certain prejudices.

“Albania is a great place to score plenty of illegal narcotics — a ‘must have’ for any Albanian holiday!” commented an anonymous reader of a June 11, 2012, Southeast European Times article about the country’s booming tourism trade. Another commented that Albanians themselves would rather flee to Greece or Italy than stick around.

“You cannot have an image problem if that problem is real,” said Ilir Mati, who in 1992 sold his Fiat, one of the first private cars allowed in the country, to buy a fax machine and start an adventure tourism company called Outdoor Albania. Mr. Mati was at the guesthouse with clients, and I sat up late chatting with him in French.

“You know, you were once my enemy,” he said, tugging on a cigarette. “My friends thought I was crazy to leave the military and go into tourism. But I had a dream that one day I would be sitting around a table like this talking to people like you.”

The discussion continued the next morning when our plan to hike from Valbona back into Montenegro was altered. After two days the trek was too much for our group — 16 hours at least — and the trail had been washed out. So instead we drove to a spot just above the village of Cerem, where we loaded our luggage onto fresh horses and headed out for an easy two-mile stroll. Along the way we passed the remains of an Opel Frontera that only a few months ago had struck a land mine.

“Don’t worry,” Semir said, demonstrating a wry sense of humor. “It was an anti-tank mine, so you have to be really heavy to trigger it.”

We leapt over a ditch and landed in Montenegro, and soon the Pinzgauer arrived. A white Land Rover with “Policija” emblazoned on the side accompanied it. I quietly panicked, hoping the new permit system was truly in place.

The officer showed zero interest in our paperwork. Instead, Inspector Gutic had come to offer us a more comfortable ride into the town of Plav, the largest town in a district of about 13,100 people, which felt like a thrumming metropolis after Albania. We sat in a cafe with Wi-Fi, bought chips and chocolate and explored an old stone tower where families once targeted in ancient blood feuds could better defend themselves at night.

We still had two days on the trail, and both of them blew by. On Day 4 we hiked six miles from huts outside Plav to a road that led to a one-lift ski area called Boga, an Albanian area in Kosovo that had been leveled in the 1999 war with Serbia and then rapidly rebuilt. We spent the night in new A-frame cabins at the base, and I discovered that in winter it cost just 1 euro to ride the lift. On the last day we climbed 7,880-foot Hajla peak and wandered along its long, narrow summit ridge, where I put one foot in Kosovo and the other in Montenegro. I could see the plains of Serbia far to the east and the Sharr Mountains framing Macedonia to the south. The cursed range rose to the west, looking no less formidable than it had from Gusinje.

We spent our last night as a group in Dubrovnik, Croatia, which we reached after a long bus ride from Rozaje, Montenegro. The old city was gorgeous — shiny ramparts against a shimmering sea — but there was nothing to discover. The streets were too polished, the menus too refined. I turned on the faucet in my hotel room and flinched when the water came out hot.

All told we hadn’t hiked more than 35 miles, but the Peaks of the Balkans Trail isn’t about distance so much as interaction, and with that one bus ride I’d crossed the most obvious border of the trip, the one between traveler and tourist. Despite wandering through a place of such hardship, the trail had introduced me to a rare part of Europe where the very idea of walking freely between worlds is still a gift as sweet and momentous as your first soft drink. A whole new Europe, a gracious and wild one, had presented itself, and to experience it I just needed to lace up my boots.

That all may one day disappear, too. And so the next morning after everyone left for Texas, I jumped in a taxi and drove south until we could drive no more. Then I hoisted my pack and walked back into Albania.

IF YOU GO

Getting There

The Peaks of the Balkans Trail has trail heads in Montenegro, Albania and Kosovo. Flying into the Montenegrin capital, Podgorica, allows you to rest pre- and post-trip along Lake Skadar, about a half-hour out of the city. Expect at least a two-hour drive to a trail head near Gusinje. Pristina, Kosovo, is the closest city to a trail head west of Peja — about 66 miles — but the smog makes it a less pleasing place to get your bearings. Getting to trail heads in Albania (Theth or Valbona) from Tirana, the capital, can be long and complicated, and you’ll miss some of the most spectacular hiking into those villages. Connecting flights land in Podgorica (airport code TGD) from Paris, Zurich, Frankfurt, London and Rome, among other European cities.

Getting Around

Hiring a guide is not obligatory but highly recommended, as trails, though mostly marked, can still confuse, and many locals speak minimal English. Guides can also arrange pack horses, accommodations and airport transfers, and assist with permit applications, which need to be submitted at least 15 days before the hike begins. The Peaks of the Balkans Web site (peaksofthebalkans.com) lists guides who have been trained by the German Alpine Club and provides information on where to find maps, how to contact guesthouses and apply for permits, and what to expect on the trail each day.

Outfitter

ROW Adventures of Idaho is offering two departures, in June and September, for eight-day trips into Montenegro and Albania that combine kayaking on Lake Skadar, riding a scenic train and hiking portions of the trail around Theth and Valbona, two of the more spectacular areas in the Albanian Alps. ($2,090; rowadventures.com; 800-451-6034)

 

“This could be more cutting-edge than I thought,” Mr. Grubb said, and he switched off the light.(The New York Times)

 

Filed Under: Reportazh Tagged With: Hiking Beyond Borders, in the Balkans, The New York Times

DEA BEJLERI, VOGELUSHJA SHQIPTARE QE LA AMERIKEN EDHE PSE ISHTE ME PASAPORTE AMERIKANE

January 14, 2013 by dgreca

Kushtuar Senatores së Diasporës Dea Bejlerit, vogëlushes 9 vjeçare  me pashaportë amerikane që la Amerikën, e detyruar, sepse prindërit nuk kishin dokumente…Shpesh gazetat, TV-të më së shumti ju kushtojnë vëmendje të rriturve për kontributet e tyre në aktivitete të ndryshme, duke i lënë pakuptuar në harresë botën e mrekullueshme të fëmijëve…/

Nga Keze Zylo Kozeta /

Në këtë shkrim personazhin kryesor kam Dea Bejlerin, nxënësen e shkëlqyer të Shkollës Shqipe, e cila ka filluar aktivitetin e saj në Diasporë qysh në moshën tre vjeçe.  Në shumë manifestime që janë organizuar në Diasporë në New York ajo ka marrë pjesë gjallërisht duke intepretuar poezi patriotike nga autorë të ndryshëm. Kohët e fundit në 15 vjetroin e TV “Kultura Shqiptare” kur drejtuesja e programit e pyeti se në ç’moshë ke filluar të recitosh, Dea iu pergjigj se ka qenë në skenë qysh në moshen tre vjeçe.  Në 100 Vjetorin e Pavarësisë që u organizua nga TV Alba Life dhe Shkollat Shqipe, Dea interpretoi poezinë: “Naganti i Isa Boletinit” shkruar nga poeti i Kombit Agim Shehu.  Por ajo nuk ishe vetem një intepretuese e poezive, ndërkohë shoqëroi në këngë dhe sopranonn e shquar znj.Lindita Mezini Lole. Edhe në ngritjen e Flamurit në Manhattan, në Panairin e librit që u organizua në New York nga Shoqata e Shkrimtarëve shqiptaro-amerikane ajo interpretoi poezine “Unë e dua librin”, si dhe për vit në 28 Nëntor organizuar nga Shoqata “Devolli” dhe te tjera organizata ajo ka marrë pjesë me një dashuri të veçantë dhe pasion për të interpretuar poezi për Shqipërinë, Kosovën, Çamërinë nga autorë të ndryshëm.Dea është një vajzë shumë e talentuar jo vetëm në Shkollën Shqipe por dhe në atë amerikane. Por viti 2013 Dean e zuri në Kanada, pavarësisht se ajo u lind dhe u rrit në New York gjer në moshën 9 vjeçe.  Prindërit e saj intelektualë patriotë Blerina dhe Neritan Bejleri u detyruan të largohen pasi nuk kishin dokumente. Ah këto ligje sa të mjera janë ndonjëherë?…Kur merr rrugët e mërgimit duke lënë pas mëmëdheun tënd dhimbshëm, mundohesh që me shok dhe miq në vendin që të pret ta kalosh me sa më pak dhimbjen dhe brengën me njerëz të mirë që mund t’i takosh rastësisht apo në mënyrë tjetër.Ndërsa shpesh mund të ndodh që të leshë prindërit, familjen, shoqërinë nga vendi që vjen, në emigrim plus punëve që duhet të përballosh për të krijuar jetën e re, duhet të njohësh dhe miq të rinj për të kaluar së bashku fundjavet apo festa e ndryshme që jo pak organizohen dhe në Diasporë.  Aktivitetet e ndryshme që kemi organizuar veçanërisht për Flamurin, Kombin, Kosovën na kanë lidhur ngushtësisht me familjen Bejleri. Disave mund t’ju ketë rënë fati që të gdhihen me dokumenta amerikane e kam fjalën për vendin ku jetoj prej vitesh, ndërsa të tjerë të stropaciten për ato të shkreta dokumenta me vite të tëra dhe nuk i marrin dot…  Kjo i ndodhi Deas me prindërit e saj, ndaj dhe u larguan për në Kanada e cila i mori denjësisht në gjirin e saj.Vit të mbarë në Kanda miqtë tanë Bejleri!

Ishte tejet e dhimbshme ndarja me Dean dhe familjen e saj.  Nuk do ta harroj kurrë ndarjen me vogëlushen, duke u përqafuar të dyja, lotët na rrëshqisnin pa komanduar, si e madhe që ishja mundohesha t’i gelltisja për hatër të saj, por ishte e kotë… Në mes këtij emocioni ndarës i thashë:  Ti do të vish prapë e ëmbla jonë se ti ke pashaportë amerikane, ke lindur këtu !  Dea me lot të nxehtë fëmije dhe duke me shtrënguar duart fort më tha:”Si nuk do të vi pranë jush?  Unë u rrita në Shkollën Shqipe, kam shumë shok dhe shoqe që dua t’i kem përgjithmonë”.

Por jo vetëm ne ndjemë dhimbje, por gjithë shkolla, nxënësit, mësuesit, prindërit u trishtuan pamasë për largimin e saj dhe të familjes.  Edhe mësuesja dhe nxënësit e klasës në shkollën amerikane ishin prekur shumë, Dea dhe atje nuk ishte një nxënëse e thjeshtë, por ajo ishte zgjedhur me vota prej të gjithëve si Senatore e klasës.

Pjekuria e saj para kohe dhe talenti më kanë frymëzuar për ta pasur gjithmonë personazh shumë të dashur në shkrime, poezi dhe libra të botuar.  Një prej tyre është poezia: “Senatorja e Diasporës” botuar në librin: “Mjellmat po të vijnë”.  Gjithmonë si mësuese pranë saj dhe duke e pasur bashkëpunëtore të TV Alba Life kam ndjesinë e veçantë se Dea do të ketë zërin e saj dhe do të nderojë Shqipërinë dhe në Kanada.  Ajo pranë Kanadasë ku prindërit e saj fituan dokumentet, shkoi me një “resume” tejet të pasur që do ta kishin zili dhe shumë të rritur.  Janë fatlumë organizuesit e shoqatave në Diasporën e Kanadasë që do të lidhen me Dean dhe do të ndjejnë nga afër talentin, vullnetin dhe patriotizmin që karakterizon këtë nxënëse të jashtëzakonshme me gjak shqiptari.  Kjo falë prindërve të saj intelektualë po aq aktivistë që po e rrisin dhe edukojnë me cilësitë më të mira si dhe gjyshërve që i falin aq ngrohtësi dhe dashuri.

Për kontributin e tyre si familje plot kulturë Presidenti i Alba Life z.Qemal Zylo organizoi një ceremoni me mësuesit dhe nxënësit e Shkollës Shqipe në Brooklyn.

Mamaja e Deas Blerina ka qenë mësuese qysh në hapjen e shkollës Shqipe, ndërsa Neritani një bashkëpunëtor i ngushtë, njëherazi dhe kryetar i shoqatës “Devolli”. Në ceremoninë që u organizua, Zoti Qemal .Zylo në emër të Bordit iu dha çertifikatën e mirënjohjes familjes “Bejleri” me motivacionin:  “Si aktivistë të shquar në Diasporën Shqiptare si dhe për kontributin e vyer që i kanë dhënë Shkollës Shqipe në New York”.Ata u larguan për në Kanada me shumë urime nga miq dhe shokë të shumtë që i donin dhe respektonin për kontributin e tyre.  Ndërsa Dea udhëtonte drejt Kanadasë, në vesh ende dëgjoja zërin e saj fëminor, se unë do të vi prapë në New York, ngase u rrita në Shkollat Shqipe dhe kam shumë shok e shoqe për të takuar…

 

Filed Under: Opinion Tagged With: destabilizing, factor, in the Balkans, Isuf Bajrami, serbia major

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