recognize – Dielli

It’s time for Greece to follow Israel’s example and recognize Kosovo

March 1, 2021 by dgreca

– Five EU members do not recognize Kosovo. Greek recognition would send an important message that would surely benefit Brussels’ initiative.

By Akri Çipa*/

Since 2008, the Republic of Kosovo has joined international organizations, has become a vital part of the international community, and has been a key factor of stability in the Balkans. In terms of democratic standards, Kosovo fares better than some of its neighbors, as evidenced by its latest exemplary elections. It is time for Athens to finally join the more than 100 countries that recognize its irreversible independence.

Doing so would advance Greek interests and elevate Athens’ diplomatic clout. Not only Greece would offer an important contribution to peace and regional stability, but it would also be an important gesture to nurture closer Greek-Albanian ties.

This month, Israel established full diplomatic relations with Kosovo, in a move widely supported and coordinated by the United States. Greece has the opportunity to follow Israel’s example and finally establish full bilateral ties with the Republic of Kosovo.

Despite repeated attempts by Serbia and its allies to contest the legitimacy of Kosovo’s sovereignty, its independence was upheld by the International Court of Justice. In its 2010 Advisory Opinion, the court noted that Kosovo’s declaration of independence did not circumvent or break any international law, attesting to its international legality.

Kosovo’s diplomatic ties with Israel countered, once again, the assumption that its independence serves as a dangerous precedent for secessionist movements. The five EU member states that still refuse to acknowledge an independent Kosovo, including Greece, have indirectly hidden behind this argument.

However, Israel’s decision directly contradicts this misleading and outdated narrative. Considering how Israel faces with the Palestinians one of the thorniest and most complex territorial disputes in the world, its recognition showcases and reinforces the fact that Kosovo’s independence is a sui generis case and that in no way can be used to predetermine or influence the outcome of other disputes.

The lack of normalization between Kosovo and Serbia remains the most problematic security issue in the Balkans. At the same time, it hinders their integration in the European Union and creates openings for foreign interference. Outside powers have an interest in preserving the status quo and keeping the region in a limbo.

Greece has the opportunity to contribute in breaking the current deadlock and injecting positive energy that could help facilitate the resolution of the conflict. Such a move would surely be welcomed by most Western countries, as well as EU institutions.

The European External Action Service, which continues its efforts to facilitate a comprehensive agreement between Kosovo and Serbia, has its hands tied in many regards due to the fact that five EU members do not recognize Kosovo. Greek recognition would send an important message that would surely benefit Brussels’ initiative.

Furthermore, the new administration in the United States has pledged to enhance its efforts to settle the conflict and help them towards mutual recognition. This was emphasized most recently in U.S. President Joe Biden’s letter to Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic.

Athens’ recognition of Kosovo now, in line with the U.S. position, would assist this end goal and would earn goodwill in Washington. After all, the moment is especially ripe. As part of the commitments it undertook during the White House summit last September, Serbia has pledged to not lobby other countries against Kosovo’s recognition for one year.

Differently from the other EU non-recognizers, Greece has a Liaison Office in Kosovo, at ambassadorial level, and has emphasized that it seeks to strengthen economic relations. Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias’ visit in Kosovo last October was focused on the region’s EU perspective and the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia.

The visit emphasized that there is increasing bilateral engagement. Establishing full diplomatic relations would create new opportunities for deeper cooperation on issues of mutual concern.

The establishment of Kosovo-Israel ties set an important precedent. Athens would be wise to learn from it.

*Article was first published by The Brussels Times

The new Israeli government should finally recognize Kosovo

May 24, 2020 by dgreca

BY AKRI ÇIPA*

Despite Kosovo’s continuous efforts – and its people’s sincere admiration for the Jewish state – Israel has so far refused to establish relations with the youngest country in Europe. For some time now, Israel has been increasing its engagement and cultivating new relationships in the Balkan Peninsula.

However, its Balkan map continues to have a black hole.

Despite Kosovo’s continuous efforts – and its people’s sincere admiration for the Jewish state – Israel has so far refused to establish relations with the youngest country in Europe.

The new unity government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Alternate Prime Minister Benjamin Gantz has the opportunity to finally upend this status quo and move toward recognizing Kosovo.

Clearly, Israel’s hesitation to join the almost 100 countries in recognizing Kosovo does not advance any of its interests.

In fact, there are important opportunities for collaboration between the two countries that remain unexplored. With its overwhelmingly young population, Kosovo sees Israel as a model to emulate in becoming the Balkans’ “start-up nation.”

Kosovo’s population is more than 90% ethnic Albanian and its recognition by Israel would further add to the overall excellent relations between Albanians and the Jewish people.

Israel enjoys strong ties today and is increasing cooperation in trade, tourism, and security with Albania. Kosovo would be a similar friendly environment for Israeli investors and tourists and its recognition would pave the way for economic and security cooperation.

Furthermore, the two countries share the same values and principles. Like Israel, Kosovo was founded on the universal values of democracy, liberty and freedom. A multireligious and multiethnic state, Kosovo enshrined in its declaration of independence a commitment to guaranteeing and safeguarding the rights and freedoms of all ethnic and religious minorities.

Today, the country serves as a model for many of its neighboring countries that are lagging behind in this regard. Its Jewish community, though very small, is formally recognized under the Law on Freedom of Religion and enjoys all the rights and protections as all other communities.

Twelve years after Kosovo’s independence from Serbia, Israel’s initial fears that it could be considered a dangerous precedent in the international arena were demonstrated to bear no relationship to reality.

Kosovo’s independence came as a result of a unique coordinated process led by the US and other Western governments. Although Serbia refuses to recognize it, Kosovo’s independence has been legally confirmed by the International Court of Justice as a sui generis case and in full compliance with international law. Even more importantly, it has served as a cornerstone of peace and stability in the Balkans.

By recognizing Kosovo, Israel would join most of the Western countries that already do so, including the US, Canada, Germany, the UK, as well as a majority of the United Nations’ member states.

At the same time, it would do justice to the principle of self-determination upon which Israel itself was founded.

Kosovo is in fact the history of an oppressed population that, just 20 years ago, was subjected to an atrocious ethnic cleansing campaign perpetrated by Serbia.

Without the leadership of enlightened Western democratic states like the United States and the United Kingdom we would not be talking today about a new liberal and democratic state. Instead, we would be instead talking about another genocide that would have happened in the heart of Europe less than six decades after the Holocaust.

In the 1990s, Albanians in Kosovo were subjected to the greatest displacement of a European population since the end of World War II. Of a population of less than 2 million, about 1 million Albanians were expelled from their homes and more than 120,000 houses were destroyed. Serbian crimes in Kosovo remain, to this day, still unpunished. Between 13,000- 15,000 people, most of them ethnic Albanians, were killed during the conflict. Thousands of women – up to 20,000 by most estimates – were raped by Serbian soldiers and militias.

The US-led NATO campaign that put an end to the Serbian monstrosities in Kosovo and that paved the way for the latter’s independence was greatly supported by Jewish communities across the world, especially the American Jewish community. Jewish leaders in the US were among the most important and supportive voices that advocated for the intervention that prevented a genocide and brought peace and stability to the Balkans.

Considering the historical context, the unique nature of Kosovo’s case, and the potential to build important relations, there is no reason for Israel to continue refusing Kosovo’s explicit offers of friendship.

Someone might argue that by doing so Israel risks damaging its relationship with Serbia.

It is true that Israel and Serbia enjoy good relations, but this comes despite Serbia’s close relations with and support for the Palestinians, including in numerous occasions at the UN.

Serbia’s position on the issue was reiterated, most recently, by Serbian Foreign Minister Ivica Dacic. While signing an agreement for increased security cooperation with the Palestinians this past January, the Serbian minister stated that their “views on Palestine are firm and irreplaceable.” The idea that recognizing Kosovo would jeopardize Israel’s relations with Serbia is a myth – instead, establishing relations with Kosovo would level the field.

Expectations are high for the new Israeli government.

Complex domestic and international challenges have piled up and are waiting for decisive leadership and solutions.

But while most of them require great attention and energy, the new government has an excellent opportunity to gain, without much effort, a new friend in the international arena and to assert itself in a delicate yet important region like the Balkans.(The Jerusalem Post)

The writer is a foreign policy expert focused on Balkan and Middle Eastern affairs. He holds a Master of Science in Conflict Resolution from Columbia University. Twitter: @AkriCipa

Why countries that recognize Palestinian tatehood turn their backs on Kosovo

March 20, 2015 by dgreca

BY Hazir Reka*/
When we talk about Islam in Europe, we’re generally thinking about Bangladeshis in Britain and Algerians in France. Maybe Pakistani migrant-farmers in Greece, or Somali refugees in Scandinavia.
But the Muslims of Europe’s Balkan peninsula long predate Maghrebi settlement in the Goutte d’Or. And few outside the region realize that, in fact, there are countries on the European continent where Muslims compose the majority—and not as a result of spectral “reverse colonization.”
Countries with Europe’s most substantial Muslim communities include Bosnia-Herzegovina, where they are 40% of the population, according to the CIA; Macedonia, where they make up a third; Montenegro, where they’re 19%, and Bulgaria, 7.8%.
Nearby Albania and Kosovo are arguably Europe’s “most Islamic” countries, when excluding Turkey. In Albania, 56.7% of the population adheres to Sunni Islam. And although exact numbers aren’t available for Kosovo, one of the world’s youngest countries, estimates of the Muslim population hover at around 90% of its two million residents.
Both countries are home to ethnic-Albanian majorities, many of whom are descended from Christians that converted to Islam during four centuries of Ottoman-Turkish rule. Despite this, a number of Muslim-majority countries refuse to recognize Kosovar statehood; even as they passionately advocate for Palestinian sovereignty with the other hand. Most notable among these are Iran, Syria, and the Palestinian Authority.
“The PLO didn’t recognize the independence of Kosovo,” Imam Stephen Schwartz, executive director of the Center for Islamic Pluralism, tells Quartz. “Kosovo is not a member of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. And this is because Kosovars and Albanians are seen to be the lapdogs of the Americans.”
Schwartz refers to a palpable, on-the-ground popularity of the US in Albania and Kosovo, almost entirely due to NATO’s involvement in the tail end of the Yugoslav Wars; specifically, the allied bombing of Belgrade, capital of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), now the Republic of Serbia. NATO and FRY officials signed an agreement mandating full withdrawal of Serbian troops from Kosovo in late 1999, which paved the way toward an independent Republic of Kosovo, officially declared in Feb. 2008. Though there is measurable interaction and occasional cooperation between Kosovo and Serbia, the latter has yet to recognize Kosovar independence.
And this might partially explain why Kosovars lack the international support lent to other statehood efforts, like that of the Palestinians.
“The hypocrisy of refusing to recognize Kosovo is an unbelievable thing,” Schwartz says. “Certain Arab countries and members of the OIP won’t do it because Kosovar statehood was assisted by America. Kosovo was liberated by America.”
In fact, when looking at respective lists of countries that recognize Palestine and/or Kosovo, the divide runs rather cleanly along factional lines:
With some overlap in Latin America, the Middle East, Scandinavia, and Africa (the British parliament’s Oct. 2014 vote to recognize Palestinian statehood was non-binding), the allegiance to Kosovo or Palestine can be distilled to a given country’s attitude toward the US. With the exception of Libya, Egypt, and Pakistan, most Middle Eastern supporters of Kosovar statehood are also strategic US military allies: Saudi Arabia, the Gulf states, and Jordan.
Predictably, Iran and North Korea recognize Palestine, but not Kosovo. Russia, a long-time ally of Serbia—which insists Kosovo to be part of the ancestral ethnic-Serb homeland (Raska)—recognizes Palestine, but not Kosovo. Members of the Moscow-led Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)—Belarus, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, etc.—follow suit.
The remaining BRICS (China, India, Brazil, South Africa) recognize Palestine, but not Kosovo; perhaps in some spirit of defiance against the “old guard” of geopolitical order—countries like Canada, Australia, Japan, South Korea, and most of the EU, all of which recognize Kosovo, but reject Palestinian statehood.
The divide plays out even further along traditional international rivalries. Colombia recognizes Kosovo, not Palestine; Venezuela recognizes Palestine, not Kosovo. Pakistan recognizes Kosovo; India and Bangladesh do not. Azerbaijan recognizes Palestine; Armenia does not.
Though beyond the seemingly simple cartographic representations, the issue of limited recognition gets pretty complicated. There are some conspicuous ambivalences. Mexico recognizes neither Palestine nor Kosovo, perhaps in part to appease both the US and its Latin American (largely pro-Palestine) neighbors. Nor does Greece recognize either, perhaps because it has stood close to the flame of Balkan interethnic violence for centuries, and lies just a few hundred nautical miles the west of Israel.
Israel, interestingly enough, does not recognize Kosovar statehood—probably because the establishment of an ethnic-Albanian state on formerly Serbian soil would set a precedent for Arab-Palestinian secession. You’ll see similar mentalities at practice in Spain, which has historically struggled to keep hold of its Basque and Catalan regions; Morocco, which maintains a claim on the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (Western Sahara); China, for obvious reasons regarding Taiwan, Tibet, and the Uighur region; and the Russian Federation, which seems to make the bulk of its foreign-policy decisions based on whether a given move might inspire, or stoke extant secessionist sentiments in its outer republics.
This ultimately renders humanitarian appeals for recognition in Kosovo and Palestine (and Abkhazia, and eastern Ukraine, and Kurdistan) rather dishonest. The nations in question, the actual people vying for self-determination, are championed by their respective supporters as suffering nobly under the yoke of amoral oppressors. To the pro-Kosovo faction, big-bad Russia and little-bad Serbia impede international recognition for the sake of being bad. To the pro-Palestine crowd, big-bad America and little-bad Israel deny Palestinian sovereignty within the same, moralistic, black-and-white framework.
All parties seem to use righteous indignation to their political advantage; except, of course, the parties with the most tangible stakes: the Kosovars and Palestinians. They are minimized to little more than chess pieces—pawns, in fact, the most disposable of chess pieces—buffeted between elite players in the great game of 21st century realpolitik. A game that, for these would-be states, offers no discernible prize.
*Reuters