Archives for December 2021

Dr. Etleva Lala

EötvösLorándTudományegyetem (ELTE University)

Albanian Studies Program, Budapest, Hungary

Antonius de Drivasto, 1385; Antonius de Durachio, 27 july 1391, Dimitrius (Dymitrius) de Drivasto, 1385, Dymitrius de Antibaro, 1391, Dominicus Albanensis 1385; D. Petrus episcopus Suacensis, 1385; Georgius de Polato, 1385; Johannes de Albania, 1391, Gion de Albania 1391, Johannes (Zivan) de Polato, Allesius de Drivasto, 1385; Lexius (Aleksa) de Drivasto, 1391, Margaritus de Drivasto, 1391, Marinus de Dulcinio1385, 1391, Marchus de Albania 1385, Marcus de Novabrda, 1385, Martinus de Drivasto, 1385; Michael de Drivasto, 1385; Andreas cog. Paulus de Durachio 1391, Andreas de Polato, 1385; Andreas de Scutaro 1391, Nicola de Polato 1391, Paulus de Polato, 1385, 1391, Pelegrinus de Dulcinio, Petrus de Polato, 1385, Theodorus de Drivasto, 1385, etc.[1]

This is the beauty of the Dalmatian archival sources: every single name mattered for the medieval chancellery of the Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) and other Dalmatian cities and the place of origin for each person was a reason of pride and recognition, which directly and indirectly contributed to the standard of living and prosperity of these towns.

“The history of European migrations is the history of social life.”[2] stated Charles Tilly in 1978. In this study I will concentrate on the Albanian clergy, who migrated out of fear or violence to Dalmatia during the period before the Ottoman conquest. The aspects of their flight come into the picture easily since most of the documents record this as a starting point for the life and career of Albanian clerics in Dalmatia.

The primary sources for this study are mainly housed in the Dubrovnik Archives, mainly in the State Archive (DržavniArhiv u Dubroniku, hereafter: DAD), but also in the archive of the Franciscan Order, MaleBraće, and the archive of the Dominican Order. Other sources are housed in the Croatian State Archives in Zagreb. For this study I use not only unpublished archival sources, but also the many published ones.[3]

The most frequented medieval town in Dalmatia was Ragusa (present day Dubrovnik), which was a special town, closed in upon itself but also open towards emigrants.[4] The huge number of clerics migrating from Albania seems to have been difficult to handle, since this was raised and discussed as a problem in the Senate of Dubrovnik in August 1388.[5]

The Republic of Ragusa was a favorite destination of the Albanian clerics for many reasons: it was a republic and a very well-organized one; it was prosperous in many respects; it had better study and developing opportunities than medieval Albania; it was open to Albanian Catholics and allowed them to have their identity without any negative connotation attached to this identity, an welcoming Albanian society facilitated the integration in the local life, there was peace and one could built his/her own life without being afraid of disruptions from outside, there was sustainability of works and projects etc.

As about the geography of the origins of the Albanian clergy migrating to Dalmatia, the many archival documents related to this phenomenon in the Ragusan archives, show clearly thatDurrës and the coastal cities of Albania, including also its northern hinterland were the places of origin formost of the clerics that arrived and remained in Dubrovnik.[6]Durrës could even be called a very special case,with regard to the huge influx of clerics traveling to Dubrovnik, and if we refer to the conclusion of Peter Bartl that mostly southern Albanians migrated to Italy, thenDurrës, was really the border between southern and northern Albania.[7]

From the migrations of the clerics to Dalmatia one can easily recognize that life in Durrës was not as peaceful from the religious point of view as it seems from the secondary literature.Religious tolerance is the most emphasized phenomenon in the history of the Albanians,which is also confirmed by foreign scholars.[8]Nevertheless, the lack of religious armed conflicts in Durrës[9] does not necessarily mean that religious co-existence was peaceful. The many migrations from Durrës show that threats were often sufficient to encourage Catholic clerics to leave this city for more secure places to live.

The migration as a phenomenon touched the whole hierarchy, from the parish priests to the archbishops. As a matter of fact, these threats were from both Churches, the Eastern Byzantine Church and the Western Latin Church, but here I will concentrate only on the threats which forced the Catholic clergy to leave mainly to Dalmatia and will not consider the migrations of the Orthodox clergy here and now.

Paulus de Durachio[10] fled from Durrës to Dubrovnik on April 13, 1372, by a galley over the Adriatic Sea.The reason for his flight from Durrës is reported to have been a conflict over territorial possessions with a Slav family, Mrkonić, who lived in Durrës.[11] His personal connections with the Dominican Order of Dubrovnik before he fled to Dubrovnik show that relations in the order between these two cities were optimal. Soon after arriving in Dubrovnik, on October 16, 1373,[12] Paulus became prior of the Dominican monastery in Dubrovnik: prior fratrumordinispredicatorum in conventuRagusino,[13] and enjoyed a very good reputation in the Dominican Order and also among the citizens of Dubrovnik.

Another prominent Albanian Dominican living in Dubrovnik was Andreas of Durrës, who arrived there in 1369. He was also prior of the Dominican monastery, but only for a short time, about one year (January 8, 1376 to January 10, 1377).[14] He left Durrës in 1369,leaving behind everything he had, because he felt oppressedby the Orthodox priests.[15] His life in Dubrovnik can be traced until October 15, 1400, when he died. He wrote a testament at the end of his life, which is housed in the State Archives of Dubrovnik (DAD).[16]

Theodor of Durrës, another Dominican, who fled to Dubrovnik on 9 May 1371,[17]was also threatened with his life by an Orthodox family who lived in Durrës. This family had close links with the Orthodox priest of this city, who seems to have been strongly anti-Catholic.[18] Theodor started a new life in Dubrovnik, creating a network and good reputation in the Dominican Order of Dubrovnik, as one can see from a document datingto 11 February 1376.[19] A year later, on 12 January 1377, he became the prior of the OrdinisPredicatorum[20] in the church of St. Jacob outside the wall of the old city of Dubrovnik.[21] According to the documents of the Dubrovnik archives,[22] he continued to have close relations with Durrës and the Dominican monastery back home.[23] He was well informed about all that happened there, especially for the period 13 May to 8 June 1390, when he received letters from his former monastery.[24]

The Albanian priest John of Durrës (Johannes de Durachio) not only fled to save his head, but he also took a considerable number of original manuscripts in parchment. Today they are housed in the DAD[25] and date back from 1396. Having been one of the leaders of the Dominican Order in Durrës, he was skilled in translation and writings about canon law. Soon after arriving in Dubrovnik, he became the prior of this order, replacing his Albanian predecessor Nicolas, on 31 January 1400.[26] From 12 January 1404 onwards, however, he appears simply as frater monasteriisanctiDominicifratrumpredicatorumRagusii.[27]The last mentioning of him dates to 19 June 1435,[28] when he probably died.[29]

Demetrius Spani, another member of the Albanian nobility who was a Dominican, had to flee to Dubrovnik in 1403.[30] The reasonsfor his flight are not clearly given in the source, but from indirect sources and the literature[31] it is evident that he was in a long-lasting conflict with the archbishop of Durrës,[32] which probably motivated his flight. Demetrius replaced his Albanian predecessor, John,as prior of the Dominican Order in Dubrovnik. Although this order in Dubrovnik had a good reputation and Demetrius Spani had a good status in this order, he did not stay long in this house. On 26 November 1406[33] he was replaced by Georgius, another Albanian priest who had also fled from Durrës due to problems his extended family (fis) had with another fis and thus feared blood revenge,[34] even though according to the Code of the Albanians, the Kanun of LekëDukagjini,[35] clergy was immune from blood feuds.

The Order of the Dominicans was, thus, the Order which experienced most of the migrations from Albania to Dalmatia, especially to Dubrovnik. The Ragusan Dominican Order was settled in 1225 at the Church of St. Jacob in Pelino. Since that time, clergy originated regularly from the Albanian territories.[1]One of the main reasons why the members of this order chose Dubrovnik is certainly this long welcoming tradition that the Dominican Order in Dubrovnik, Dalmatia, and Hungary had for the Albanian Dominicans. The Dominican Order in Albania, existing since at least 1278, was always supported by the Dominican Order of Dubrovnik.

One of the most extraordinary personalities among the Albanian Dominicans was Dominik Topia. He had been working for the Angevins of Naples while he was in Albania and he fled from Durrës for reasons which are not clear. Topia, who originated from the noble AlbanianTopia family, had been powerful enough to receive all the religious high offices in Drisht and Shas;[36]by 1360 he was bishop of Korcula. Although he had progressed quite well in Ston and Korcula, where he was bishop for a long time (1350-1367),[37] his ambition was to become archbishop of Dubrovnik, which brought him into conflict and almost open war with the highest religious and secular authorities of Dubrovnik. He was largely supported by the Hungarian king,Louis probably as a bearer of the Albanian policy of the Hungarian kings, as Šufflay put it.[38]He later became archbishop of Zadar (1367-1376)[39] and enjoyed a good relationship with the Hungarian royal family of Louis I (1342-1382) and his wife, Elisabeth.DanieleFarlatirecorded that the Hungarian King Ludwig and his wife, Elisabeth, visited Zadar in 1377 and were well received by the archbishop, Dominic Topia. On this occasion,Queen Elisabeth donated the sarcophagus of St. Simon to the town of Zadar.[40] This detail is controversal, however, since other scholars argue that the queen visited Zadar alone and donated 1000 silver marks for the sarcophagus of St. Simon.[41]In 1376 Dominic had become titular archbishop of Bosnia.[42]

There were also many priests and clergy from other orders who had to flee from Albania in order to save their lives,[43] as it was the case of Antonius de Durachio,[44] who later becamethe abbot of the monastery of St. Trinity in Dubrovnik.[45]Initially he had fled from the Monastery of SS. Sergius and Bacchus on the Buna River in the vicinity of Shkodra in 1388.[46] According to the archival documents, he was accused of financial deception, having given money for a high mortgage.[47] In Dubrovnik, Abbot Antonius was soon accommodated comfortably,[48] even becoming quite richin a short time.[49] He was often mentioned in testaments of rich Albanians who were living in Dubrovnik, and was also among noble family members and priests as a witness,[50] which shows that he was well-known and had a good reputation. He was also often mentioned as a tutor[51] of children who had inherited properties but were legally unable to administer them on their own, which shows that he was a trustworthy man.

Mateo Gazuli, the priest from Zadrimain Albania, was quite young when he had to flee from his birthplace. He had a conflict with Johannes, the bishop of Zadrima,[52] hence he was forced to fleeand reach Dubrovnik in 1336.[53]In quite a short time he became rich and created opportunities for the rest of the Gazuli family to migrate to Dubrovnik. On 24 September 1426, Don Mateo wrote his testament, in which one can clearly see that he owned a great deal of landand money, which he gave not only to his family members, but also to the churches of this city, to Albanian priests, and also to one Croatian priest.[54]

The list of Albanian priests that received bequests from Don Mateo shows the solidarity that existed among the Albanians in Dubrovnik: Don Johannes from Durrës, Don Marinus from Lissus, Don Mark from Drivast, Don Lazar and Don Stephan from Polat, Don Johannes from Ulcinj, and Domenic from Dagna etc. They all had left Albania in the second half of the fourteenth century, between 1350 and 1395.[55] The main heir of Gazuli’s property was, however, Johannes Gazuli, his nephew, who later became famous and highly respected in Dubrovnik, and his brothers,“de don Zuannomionepote et a Polo suofradelo” and“don ZuanGaxulifiliolche fu de ser Gin Gaxuli.”[56]

The Gazuli family became quite famous in Dubrovnik for the many members who became priests and also for the humanists and scholars that this family produced. They not only had degrees in the scholarship of that time in Croatia and published many books themselves, but they were also the founders of the first public library in Croatia.[57] Johannes Gazuli, prior of the Dominican convent in Dubrovnik,[58] was also one of the most illustrious astronomers of the time, at the same time a mathematician and a diplomat to many countries of Europe and one of the favorite scholars of King Matthew Corvinus at the Hungarian royal court. Many members of the Gazuli family served in the churches of Dubrovnik, like Andreas, Pal, Michael, Johannes, Lazar, and others.[59]

During the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries, the Dominican Order in Dubrovnik was mainly led by Albanians, who filled the Dominican houses in huge numbers. A list of the Albanian Dominicans registered in the archives of Dubrovnik for the year 1371 includes:[60]Benedikt from Shkodra,Berlot from Durrës, andNicolaus from Ulcinj. A list for 1372 includes Antonius from Durrës, Benedikt from Novo Brda, Demetrius from Drisht, John from Danja, Marin from S. Petrus of Lezha (Lissus), Andreas from Shkodra, and Nicolaus from Polat, and the list continues.

One of the Albanian priests who is often noted in the documents of the DAD, in the documents of the Franciscan library “BibliotekaMale Braće” in Dubrovnik and also in the documents of the Dominican convent of this city, is Johannes Logu,[61] born in Durrës to a noble family,which was famous for its activities in trade between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries. During the last years of his life, Johannes was a chaplain in the cathedral Church of St. Blasius. He appears for the last time in a testament housed in the DAD on 21 November 1455,[62] probably because he died that day.[63]

The Franciscan Order in Dubrovnik was also full of Albanian Franciscans. Starting from the year 1300, the vicar[64] of the Franciscan convent “Male Braće” was Stephen from Shkodra.[65]In 1385, Zadar also had an Albanian provincial for the Franciscan Province of Dalmatia, a Minor from Durrës, a Franciscan who had fled on 21 December 1381 due to problems with the Albanian noble family of Topia.[66] The guardian of the Franciscan convent in Zadar in 1396 was also an Albanian from Drisht, called John,[67] who had left Albania, because Ottoman armies had attacked Northern Albania at that time. Nicolaus had left Durrës on 29 January 1439, due to a conflict with the Venetian authorities in the town.[68]

In September 1387, a priest, Nicolaus of Durrës, found refuge in Dubrovnik after an open conflict with the Albanian noble Topia family who ruledDurrësat that time. Dressed in beggar’s clothes, he himself states, he went secretly to the Dominican Order of Dubrovnik. There he found not only acceptance, but also a career for his future life. On June 23, 1390, he was appointed prior of this monastery[69] and remained in this position until end of January 1400. It is not sure why he left this position and also the order, but after that he is found to have entered the Franciscan Order, where he appears on 22 October 1427: venerabilis frater Nicolaus de Durachio, minister ProvincieDalmatieordinisminorum.[70]In the end of the day, hewas again in a good positionin Dubrovnik.

Some Franciscans who fled from Albania became scholars in Dalmatia. Nicolaus from Durrës replacedPrior Leka, who also came from Albania. Nicolaus had arrivedin Dubrovnik in 1396 after a conflict with the noble Topia family and served as provincial of the Franciscan monastery “Male Braće”in 1432, 1437, and 1445 The Senate asked him in 1432 to return some valuable manuscripts he had borrowed for personal study. At that time Nicolaus had been in Padova to defend his Ph.D.

The Franciscan Andreas from Durrës, who had left in 1429, become provincial of the Franciscan monastery “Male Braće” in 1438and inquisitor of the Orser since he had also a doctorate in Holy Scriptures. He was later appointed bishop of Senj (1443-1456).

Not only was the Albanian noble Topiafamily, often against Catholicism, a source of trouble for Albanian clergy, but so it was also the Balsha family. Petrus, the bishop of Shas,[71]had to flee to Dubrovnik in 1387[72]due to frequent conflicts with the noble Balshas.He was warned and the family had prepared for his flight along with some other members of his family and that is why he took a Venetian galley to Dubrovnik. He was accommodated in the Franciscan Convent “Male Braće.” Other family members are mentioned as people rich in land and property, confirming their prosperity in Dubrovnik.

Although Dubrovnik was favored, Split, Senj, Šibenik, Zadar, and even places further inland, like Zagreb, were also deliberately chosen as destinationsby Albanian expatriate clerics.According to the archival sources of Zadar, Trogir, Kotor, and Dubrovnik, a number of famous Franciscans who were later proclaimed martyrs had come fleeing Albania; Father Andreas from Durrës[73]left Albania in 1331 and died in Bribir in 1355; Father Michael fled from Shkodra in 1329 and died in Cres in 1350; Father John Bukerimi left Drisht in 1340 and died inTrogir 1345. Adam escaped from Durrësto Kotor as an old man on 17 April 1329 and died one year later.[74]

The State Archive of Dubrovnik and the Franciscan Convent “Male Braće” in Dubrovnik preserve fragmentary sources, sometimes only mentions of priests who lived and served in Dubrovnik, mainly in the Franciscan Convent. Here are some of them: Ciprianus from Bar in 1288; Lucafrom Bar in 1340; Andreas from Shkodra in 1347 was guardian of the Franciscan Convent “Male Braće” who had left Albania in August 1345. He was appointed as guardian in 1346 and died in on 23 May 1354. Andreas from Durrës went to Dubrovnik in 1345; in 1347 he was a priest, but in 1371 and 1381 he was a guardian at “Male Braće.”

Demetrius from Shkodraleft his country in 1339 and was a custos in 1348. His brother, Michael, had killed a relative of the bishop of Shkodra and for that reason, Demetrius feared blood revenge. In 1354 he became bishop of Stefaniaka and in 1369 he was appointed archbishop of Durrës. He clearly no longer feared blood revenge.

In archival sources, Nicolaus Marku is mentioned as coming from Ulcinj in 1349 and 1354. The reason for his flight is not mentioned. In 1349 Johannes Albanensem from Durrës is mentioned, and in 1354 Franciscus Negri from Sappa. A Franciscan Minor, who originated from Shirgj (S. Sergius and Bacchus) near Shkodra came to Dubrovnik in 1355 through Durrës. When he had arrived in Dubrovnik he was accommodated in the Franciscan Convent had a good rest after three weeks of traveling on foot; he is again mentioned in 1385.

In 1350, Demetrius from Shkodra is mentioned in Dubrovnik, having left Shkodra in 1347. Andreas from Shkodra (1362) and another Minorfrom Durrës (1356) are also mentioned. This latter Minor has nothing to do with the abovementioned one, who had been appointed provincial in 1377-1395 and was teaching theology at the Gymnasium of Dubrovnik.

Another prior in the Franciscan monastery of Dubrovnikin 1382 was Leka (Alexander) from Durrës, who had come to Dubrovnik 1378. Margarit from Drisht left his convent in Albania in 1401.[75] George from Bar had even been to the Holy Land before he came to Dubrovnik in 1382. Paul from Durrës had been appointed co-prior at the Franciscan Convent in 1372.

In 1385, Michael from Durrës and Stephan from Shkodra are mentioned in Dubrovnik. Michael had to migrate in 1383 and Stephan in 1382. The latter was teaching theology and philosophy in the Gymnasium of Dubrovnik. Sergius from Durrës is mentioned for the first time in Dubrovnik in 1387.

Ston was also a favorite destination for priests fleeing from Albania. Petrus from Dagna left his diocese in 1345, although he is only mentioned in documents for the first timein 1348.[76] Don Nicolaus from Drivast left Albania on 17 April 1344, and in the year 1345 he is mentioned asmagister scolarum.[77]

Theodorus from Drivast was initially a presbyter in Ston, but in 1388-1389 he also is mentioned asmagister scolarum in Stagno.[78]The reason for the Theodorus’ flight is mentioned as conflict with the Serbian priest in the Serbian Orthodox church in Drivast on the occasion of the Orthodox Christmas.[79]

Another Albanian priest, also called Nicolaus from Drivast, had fled to Ston in 1366 and had been hosted by his relatives in Ston. In the same year, in 1366, he is mentioned as presbiter, and in 1382, he was chaplain of the well-known RagusanMinčetić family. On 10 March 1390, Nicolaus wrote his testament in the presence of the Albanian priests Demetrius from Antibari and Nicolaus from Drivast. His main heir was Nicolaus of Drivast and the rest of his wealth went to the Franciscan Monastery of Dubrovnik. A book with a leather cover was donated to Nicolaus, chaplain in the Ponte of Dubrovnik “don Nicola lo qual capellanodella Ponte.”[80]

After the death of GjergjKastrioti Scanderbeg, when Albania fell under Ottoman rule in 1479, almost all the Franciscan missionaries fled to Dalmatian towns: Kotor, Perast, Budva, Dubrovnik, Split, Senj, Šibenik, Zadar, and others,[81]but that will be a different topic, as the danger comes from outsiders and not from the Albanians themselves.

The sources suggest that the main reason for settling in Dalmatia was flight from threats of religious or secular origin back in Albanian towns. This was accepted as a good reason for settling down in the Dalmatian towns, where clerics and their family members prospered in many ways. Whether life was easier in the Dalmatian towns and what the reasons for this might have been is a question which needs much deeper study of all the sources and contexts. The same is true for the Albanian towns. Further research has to be conducted in order to confirm that the lives of clerics were really in danger so often in Albanian towns. This research is thus only at the beginning and should be considered as a work in progress.

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[1]DAD, Distributiones Testamentorum, lib. V, 1385-1395, f. 8.^r-v

[2] Charles Tilly, “Migration in Modern European History,” in Human Migration: Patterns and Policies, ed. W. McNeill and R. Adams (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1978), 48-74, see esp. 68.

[3] Ludwig von Tallòczy, ConstandinJireček, and Milan Šufflay, ed. Acta et diplomata res Albaniaemediae aetatis, vol. II.(Vienna: Adolph Holzhausen, 1918), facsimile reprint (Tirana: Drejtoria e përgjithshme e arkivavetëshqipërisë, 2002), henceforth: AAlb.II

[4]ZdenkaJaneković-Römer, “Gradation of Differences: Ethnic and Religious Minorities in Medieval Dubrovnik,” in Segregation, Integration, Assimilation: Religious and Ethnic Groups in the Medieval Town of Central and Eastern Europe, ed.Derek Keene, Balázs Nagy, Katalin Szende (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2009), 115-134.

[5]Ioannis Straxemano and Ivan Stražemanac, Expositio provinciae Bosnae Argentinae. /Povijest franjevačke provincije Bosne Srebrene/. Priredio, preveo i uvod napisao Stjepan Sršan. Biblioteka Latina et Graeca. Knjiga XXVI (Zagreb: Latina et Graeca – Matica Hrvatska, 1993), 7-12 and 28-49.

[6]Kosta Vojnović, “Crkva i Država u Dubrovačkoj Republici” [Church and state in the Republic of Dubovnik] Rad Jugoslavenski Aademski Znanosti i Umjetnosti 119 (1894): 62.

[7]Peter Bartl, “Albanische Siedler in Italien seit der Frühen Neuzeit,” Enzyklopädie. Migration in Europa vom 17. Jahrhundert bis zurGegenwart, 367-369.

[8]Dušanka Dinić-Knežević, Migracije stanovništva iz južnoslovenskih zemalja u Dubrovniku tokom srednjeg veka [Migration of inhabitants from South Slav lands to Dubrovnik during the Middle Ages], Srpsak Akademija Nauka i Umjetnosti [SANU], Ogranak u Novom Sadu – Filozofski Fakultet u Novom Sadu, Odsek za Istoriju (Novi Sad: SANU, 1995), 123.

[9] Milan Šufflay, Srbi i Arbanasi (Njihova simbioza u srendjem vijeku). Sa predgovorom S. Stanojevića [Serbs and Arbers (Their symbiosis in the Middle Ages)], with a foreword by S. Stanojevića (Belgrade, 1925), 85, 86, 94 and Milan Šufflay, Serbët dhe shqiptarët  [Serbs and Albanians], trans. Hasan Çipuri (Tirana: Botimet Toena, 2004), 109-110, 122.

[10] Nella Lonza and Zdravko Šundrica, Odluke dubrovačkih vijeća 1390-1392. Hrvatska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti. Zavod za povijesne znanosti u Dubrovniku. Monumenta Ragusina VI [Council Deliberations (Reformationes) as sources for the study of Late Fourtheenth-Century Dubrovnik – Libri dei Consili-fonte per la storia Ragusea dell’ultimo trecento] (Zagreb-Dubrovnik: HAZU, 2005), vol. 6, 124.

[11]DAD, serija: Testamenta de notaria (Test.), vol. VIII, f. 166^v.

[12]DAD, div. not. IX, 89^v

[13]DAD, div. not., IX, 89^r.

 

[14]DAD, div. not. IX, 151^r-v.

 

[15]DAD,div. not. IX, 121^r-v.

 

[16]DAD, Test,vol. VIII, 166^v-167^r; 176^v.

 

[17]DAD, serija: Diversa cancellariae (div. canc.), vol. 22, f. 38^v.

 

[18]Ibid, 38^v-40^r.

 

[19]DAD, div. not.IX, 151^r.

 

[20]See also: Stjepan Krasić, Domenikanci. Povijest Reda u hrvatskim krajevima [The Dominicans. A history of the order in the Croatian regions] (Zagreb: Nakladni Zavod Globus, 1997), 27-31.

 

[21]DAD, div. not.IX, 171^r-v.

 

[22]DAD serija: Reformationes. [Acta Consili Maioris], vol. 28, f. 137^r, “die VIII iunii MCCCLXXXX, indictione XIII. In maiori Consilio…”.

 

[23]DAD Reformationes. [Acta Consili Maioris], vol. 29, f. 129^r, “In Christi nomine. Amen. Reformationes mayoris et generalis Conscilii comunis Ragusii incoate in MCCCLXXXX, indictione XIII, die XIII maii MCCCLXXXX, ina Maiori Conscilio…”

 

[24]DAD Reformationes. [Acta Consili Maioris], vol. 29, f. 129^r-v.

 

[25]DAD, div. can. vol.39, 86^v-87^r.

 

[26]DAD, div. can. vol. 37, 87^v-88^v.

[27]DAD, div. can. vol. 39, 191^v; Zdenka Janeković-Römer, Okvir slobode. Dubrovačka vlastela izmeðu srednjovjekovlja i humanizma [Framework of freedom. The government of Dubrovnik between the Middle Ages and humanism] Zagreb-Dubrovnik: Zavod za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Dubrovniku, 1999, f. 177.

 

[28]DAD, div. not.XIII, 28^v; XXXV 44^r; XIL, 3^r.

 

[29]DAD, div. not.XX, 20^r-22^v.

 

[30]DAD, div. can. XXXII, 87^v-88^v.

 

[31]Ivan Božić, Spani-Španje. Glas, SANU (Beograd: SANU, 1980), vol. 320 (32), vol. 2, 39.

 

[32]The archbishop of Durrës at that time was Leonardus Petri Michaelis de Venetiis. See: Eubel, Hierachia catholica, vol. 1, f. 233.

 

[33]DAD, div. not. XIII, 218^v-220^r.

 

[34]David Rheubottom,  Age, Marriage, and Politics in Fifteenth-Century Ragusa. Appendix C: “Politically Active Men, 1440-1490” (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 175-191.

 

[35]See: Shtjefen K. Gjeçovi, Kanuni i Lekë Dukagjinit [The Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini], Shkodra: Shtypshkronja Françeskane, 1933, chapter “Kisha,” First book, chapter four 10 (10/1-10/).

[36]AAlb.II, 149.

[37] Conradum Eubel, Hierachia catholica Medii Aevi sive summorum pontificum, S. R. E. Cardinalium ecclesiarum antistitum series. Ab anno 1198 usque ad annum 1431 perducta. E documentis tabularii praesertim Vaticani cellecta, digesta, edita per Conradum Eubel, S. Theol. Doct. Ord. Min. Conv. Definitorem generalem olim apostolicum apud S. Petrum de Urbe poenitentiarium. Editio Altera. Monasteri: Sumptibus et Typis Librariae Regensbergianae, 1913, vol. 1, 462.

[38]Šufflay, “Ungarisch-albanische Berührungen im Mittelalter,”Illyrisch-Albanische Forschungen, 294-299, seeesp. 295.

[39] I. Lucić, Povijesna svjedočanstva o Trogiru[Historical Evidence about Trogir], vol. 1 (Split, 1979), 640. 645; F. Ughellus, Italia sacra, vol. 5 (Venice, 1720), col. 1424-1425.

[40]See: Daniele Farlati, Illyricumsacrum, vol. 5 (Venice, 1777), f. 98-99.

[41]Cfr. V. Klaić, Povijest Hrvata od najstarijih vremena do svršetka XIX stoljća[History of the Croats from ancient times to the end of the nineteenth century), (Zagreb, 1974), vol. 2, 221-22. see: C. Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica,vol. 1, 142.

[42]C. Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica,vol. 1, 142.

[43] IrmgardMahnken, Beziehungen zwischen Ragusanern und Albanern während des Mittelalters, Beiträge zur Südosteuropa-Forschungen(Munich: Troefenik, 1966), 135-141.

[44] DAD, div. can.XXXV, 47^v

^.

[45]DAD, Test, vol. 9, 39^v.

[46]DAD, div. can.XIL, 9^v.

[47]Irmgard Mahnken, Dubrovački patricijat u XIV veku [The Dubrovnik patriciate in the fourteenth century], vol. 2. SANU, posebna izdanja 340 (Belgrade: SANU, 1960), 67-73.

[48] DAD, div. can. vol. XXIX, 241^v dhe vol. XXXVII, 103^r.

 

[49]DAD, div. can. vol. XXIX, 241^v-242^r; DAD Test, vol. 7, f. 187^r-v; DAD Test, vol. 9, f. 39^v; DAD, div. can., vol. 41, 207^v 43, 171^v; 45, 92^v and Mahnken, Beziehungen, 1966, 269.

 

[50]DAD Test, vol. 7, f. 187^v-188^r and DAD, div. can., vol. 41, 19^v.

 

[51]DAD Test, vol. 7, f. 187^v-188^r

 

[52]Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica, vol. 1, f. 434.

 

[53]DAD, Libri Reformationes, vëll. V, 64^v. See also Josephus Gelcich, ed. Monumenta Ragusina. Libri Reformationum. Tomus V. A. 1301-1336.Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium, vol. 29 (Zagreb: Taberna Libraria eiusdem Societatis Typographicae, 1897), vol. 5, f. 9, 17, 25, 39.

 

[54]DAD Test, vol. 9, 161^v-162^r and Jorjo Tadić, “Johannes Gazulus dubrovački humanista XV veka” [Johannes Gazulus, Dubrovnik humaanist of the fifteenth century] Zbornik filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu  8, no. 2 (1964): 431-432; Jahja Drançolli, Gjin Gazuli astronom dhe diplomat i shekullit XV [Gjin Gazuli, astronomer and diplomat in the fifteenth century](Prishtina: Rilindja, 1984), 12-13.

 

[55]Tadić, “Johannes Gazulus,” 435; Dinić-Knežević, Migracije stanovništva, 126-127.

 

[56]DAD Test, vol. 11, 161^v-162^r.

 

[57]DAD Test, vol. 18, 125^v-126^r.

 

[58]DAD, div. not., vol. 20, 277^v and vol. 27,  47^r-v.

 

[59]Dinić-Knežević, Migracije stanovništva, 127.

 

[60]DAD, Distributiones Testamentorum, lib. III, 1371-1372.

 

[61]Johannes de Logngo de Durachio.

 

[62]DAD, div. can., vol. 29, 241^v-242^v.

 

[63]DAD Test, vol. 7, f. 103^r.

 

[64]VinkoMalaj, Djelovanje franjevaca dubrovačke provincije među albanskim katolicima  (L’Attivita ‘dei francescani di Ragusa in favore dei cattolici d’Albania) (Zagreb: Otisak: “Samostan Male Braće u Dubrovniku,”K. Sadašnjost Zagreb, 1985), 227. 

 

[65]Daniele Farlato, ed. Illyrici Sacri. Tomus sextus. Ecclesia Ragusina cum suffraganensis, et ecclesia Rhizniensis et Catharensis. Auctore Daniele Farlato presbytero Societatis Jesu, et Jacobo Coleto olim ejusdem Societatis Alumno (Venice: Apus Sebastianum Coleti. Superiorum Permissu, ac Privilegio, 1800), vol. 6, 329, 370; Gusztáv Wenzel, Codex diplomaticus Arpadianus continuatus Árpádkori új okmánytár. A M. Tud. Akademia Tört. Bizottmánya Megnizásából közzé teszi. Wenzel Gustáv, M. Akad. Renders Tag. Tizedik Kötet (Budapest: Eggenberger Ferdinand Magyar Akademia Könyvárusnál, 1873), vol. 10, 372-373, doc. no. 245; Tadija Smičiklas, Codex Diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. Volumen VII. Diplomata annorum 1290-1300. Continens (Diplomatički zbornik kraljevine Hrvatkse, Dalmacije i Slavonije. Izdala Jugoslavenska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti porporom Kr. Hrv.-Slav.-Dalm. Zem. Vlade. Sabrao i uredio T. Smičiklas. Svezak VII. Listine godina 1290-1300 (Zagreb: JAZU, Tisak Dioničke Tiskare, 1909), vol. 7, 409-410, doc. no. 365;

 

[66]Mijo Ivan Brlek, “Tri rukopisna kodeksa iz dubrovačke prošlosti” [Three hand-written codices from Dubrovnik’s past],  Anali Historijskog instituta, JAZU u Dubrovniku3 (1954): 135-147, esp. 135-136.

 

[67]Donato Fabianich, Memorie storico letterarie di alcuni conventi della Dalmazia (Venice: G. B. Merlo, 1845), 78-81; Donato Fabianich, Schematismus Almae Provincae Missionariae Albaniae (Sarajevo, 1908),  23-26; idem., Schizzo storico sull opera dei Francescani in Albania (Scutari, 1930),  2-4.

 

[68]DAD, Lettere e commissioni di Levante (DAD, Lettere), vol. 12, 189^v-191^r.

 

[69]DAD, div. can., vol. 24, 79^v-81^r; ZdenkoZlatar, Huius… est omnis Reipublicae potestas: Sudjelovanje vlasteoskih rodova u vlasti (1440-1640). (Huius… est omnis Reipublicae potestas: Ragusan Patriciate and distribution of Power (1440-1640).Anali Dubrovnik (Dubrovnik: Zavod za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Dubrovniku, 2002), vol. 40, 147-168.

 

[70]DAD, div. can., vol. 39, 127^r-128^v and vol. XLIV, f. 195^v-196^r.

 

[71]Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica, vol. 1, f. 491, status that the bishop of Shas, Peter, was appointed at his Office in 1363; The same for Pius Bonifacius Gams, Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae, quotquot innotuerunt a beato Petro Apostolo a multis adjutus (Regensburg: Georgii Josephi Manz, 1873), f. 422; Farlato, Illyricum Sacrum, vol. 7 (1818): 297-298.

 

[72]DAD Reformationes. [Acta Consili Maioris], vol. 22, pf. 224^r dhe DAD, div. can., vol. 24, 70^v-71^r; AAlb.II, 411.

 

[73]AntunLiepopili, “Slavensko bogoslužje u Dubrovniku.” [Slavic Liturgy in Dubrovnik] Rad Jugoslavenske Akademije Znanonsti i Umjetnosti, vol. 220. Razreda Historičko-Filologičkoga i Juridičko-Filozofičkoga (Zagreb, Knjižara Jugoslavenske Akademije Lav. Hartmana; Stj. Kugli. Nadbiskupse Tiskare, 1919), lib. 220, vol. 96, 30-58, see esp. p. 34.

 

[74]Sigismondo da Venezia, Biografia seraficadegli uomini illustri che fiorirono nel francescano istituto. (Venice: Giovambattista Merlo, 1846), 117-145; Arthur du  Moustier, Ignazio Beschin, Giuliano Palazzolo, Martzrologium franciscanum (Vicenza, 1939), 45, 67, 109, 217; Marin Oreb, Zaslužni članovi Hrvatske provincije sv. Jeronima franjevaca konventualaca od njezina postanka do naših dana. [Distinguishedmembers of theCroatianprovince of SS. JeromeConventual Franciscansfrom itsfoundationto the present day/.(Split, 1973), 22, 45, 65, 79.

 

[75]Liepopili,“Slavensko bogoslužje,” lib. 220, vol. 96, 36.

 

[76]Franjo Rački, ed., Monumenta Ragusina. Libri Reformationum. Tomus II. A. 1347-1352; 1356-1360. Additamentum a. 1301-1305; 1318; 1325-1336. (In: Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium, vol. 13 (Zagreb: Ex Officina Societatis Typographicae, 1882), vol. 2, 54.

 

[77]DAD, div. can. XIV, 102^r. Cfr. DAD Reformationes [Acta Consili Maioris], vol. 29, 108r; vol. 30, 107^r and 143^r-v.

 

[78]DAD Reformationes. [Acta Consili Maioris], vol. 29, 108r; vol. 30, 107^r e 143^r-v and DAD, div. can.XIV, 102^r.

 

[79]DAD, div. can.XIV, 102^r.

 

[80]DAD Test, vol. 7, 105^v-126^rand DAD, div. not. VIII, 162^r.

 

[81]Franciscus Gonzaga, De Origine Seraphicae Religionis Franciscanae eiusque progressibus, de Regularis Observantiae institutione, forma administrationis ac legibus, admirabilique propagatione (Rome, 1587), vol. 1, 53-62.