Dielli | The Sun

Albanian American Newspaper Devoted to the Intellectual and Cultural Advancement of the Albanians in America | Since 1909

When efforts were being made, for opening to America

by

By Ahmet Kamberi/

In this retrospective essay, the former Albanian Minister of Health in the 1980s and well-known physician prof. Ahmet Kamberi sheds light on a little-known aspect of the Albanian-American relations in the healthcare sector, during a period of dramatic change and before the diplomatic relations between the two countries were re-established.

The second half of the eighties was characterized by a difficult economic situation in Albania, and The Labor Party of Albania (LBA) sought to solve development problems by trying to broaden an opening with the west. In a meeting of the Central Committee of the LBA held on the 18th of April 1990, Ramiz Alia had declared that “if the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. will change their position apropos Albania, as they maintain they will, then we have no reason not to welcome it.” This would open the way to the exploitation of every employable possibility in solving various problems facing specific sectors as well as the whole country.

In absence of diplomatic relations with the U.S., the development of trade and economic relations was unimaginable. And yet, the conditions being that both sides were working behind the curtains towards a mutual approach, it was reasonable to profit by advancing with activities in support of this approach.

In order to ease the difficulties in the health sector, I had to work hard to improve the relationships with the World Health Organization (WHO) and to approximate our health strategy with that of this organization. This was also reflected in September 1989 when I was elected vice president of the 39th European Regional Committee for WHO held in Paris. But it so happened that I also played a direct role in activities supporting the approach of Albania towards the US.

The [Albanian] Ministry of Health, which I headed at the time, among many difficult problems in need of resolution, was also facing the problem of a disparity between the advanced training of our specialists and the backward technology available to them. Scan imaging was one of the technological developments of the time and it was quite necessary for the diagnostics of some curable diseases. It was practically impossible to send all patients in need of this technology to be tested abroad. In these conditions the Ministry of Health tried to activate an agreement with Greece that I had signed in 1987, with the then Greek Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs Jorgos Papulias who had come to Albania for an official visit.

With the understanding and help by Albanian Minister for Foreign Affairs Reiz Malile we made the decision to send, once a month, patients in need of scanner diagnostics, first over to Athens, and then to Ioanina. This was a provisional solution, with which the Ministry of Health was not at ease. It was excruciating for the patients to first be gathered in Tirana and then travel by ambulance to Greece and back. The two-year long efforts by the Ministry of Health to convince the Government to buy a scanner couldn’t produce any result due to difficulties in securing the necessary foreign currency.

At some point during the spring of 1990, Dr. Shpëtim Telegrafi, a sonographer at the Central Polyclinic of Tirana, made it known to me that Dr. Agim Leka, an Albanian who had immigrated to the U.S. at the end of WWII, some 45 years ago, wanted to provide the Ministry of Health some help. He had had a problem with his sister who lived in Tirana and had managed, after many efforts, to send her for scanning to Istanbul, Turkey. 

Dr. Leka understood our difficulties and was offering to help us buy an imaging scanner at an affordable price for us. His son, Donald, who was president of a trading company, Syrius Systems Inc., could see to it. I welcomed such a proposition and I told Shpëtim to assure Dr. Leka that I would personally deal with this and that I thanked him for it. Yet the gap between saying and doing cannot be bridged in the blink of an eye. There were many hurdles to overcome. First of, we had neither diplomatic nor trade relations with the U.S.

Secondly, the scanner was a kind of appliance that was not allowed to be sold to certain countries, including Albania. Thirdly, in spite of recent liberalization trends, there was no precedent for such a relationship. I discussed this with the Foreign Minister, Reiz Malile. He was in favor of it in principle. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs may have had plans of its own, too. I also discussed it with the Prime Minister, Adil Çarçani. He hesitated at first, but then he telephoned me personally and told me that I could proceed. Nonetheless, there was plenty left to clarify and the best thing would be to address all issues in a direct manner.

I officially invited the President of Syrius Systems Inc., Mr. Donald Leka, to visit Albania. The visit took place during the second half of August 1990. From the meeting I had with Mr. Leka the very next day of his arrival, on the 16th of August 1990, I learned that Syrius Systems Inc. offered interesting cooperation opportunities, not only specific to medicine but also in general to Albania. They were ready to sell us two scanners at very favorable terms for us; offered cooperation in low-cost manufacturing of computers, both for internal consumption and for export; cooperation in the production of all types of batteries; cooperation in securing equipment for the emergency care center that was being built and for the heart surgery clinic; cooperation in the field of textile industry, but also in other industries that might be of interest to us.

During this meeting and that he had expressed the wish to send him his best regards. Dr. Agim Leka had requested of his son to leave the decisions regarding the relationship with Albania to him. It was obvious that his initiative to develop relationships with the Ministry of Health had been welcomed and encouraged by the State Department. It went to show that the State Department was considering reestablishing diplomatic relations with Albania. He gave the Ministry of Health the gift of a fax machine, to make possible and facilitate communication, since we did not have a fax machine at the time. Mr. Leka discussed the technicalities of buying the scanners and the other issues of cooperation with the representatives of Makinaimpex, which was an enterprise of the Ministry for Foreign Trade Relations.

We gave the President of Syrius Systems Inc. the opportunity to visit, not solely Profarma, the Antibiotics Plant, the Electromedical Production Plant and Repair Shop, but also several textile manufacturing plants. At the close of his visit I met with him again, but this time accompanied by Minister without Portfolio Farudin Hoxha, who was in charge of technological modernization. I believed that he, too, should listen to the offers made by Syrius Systems Inc. Mr. Donald Leka was very pleased with his visit and with the contacts he had established with the people he’d met. The high level of education of Albanians had impressed him, just as he was appalled at our technological backwardness. He was of the idea that given such a good education, a simple upgrade of concepts and convictions would be sufficient to speed up the possession of science and technology and the modernization of the country. He reiterated more or less what he’d offered in my first meeting with him.

After providing an exposition of the country’s development during the 45 years of popular rule, Minister Farudin Hoxha suggested that Albanian Americans could deposit their savings in Albanian banks with the same conditions as in the U.S. He was in favor of the cooperation with the Ministry of Health, but added that this cooperation must also extend to the production of batteries, which was a problem at that time for us. Mr. Leka was in favor of everything and we agreed that efforts should start for bringing groups of specialists in the respective fields to Albania, in order to both make possible the framing of the programs for cooperation and to sign the contracts.

Thus, by sheer accident, the Ministry of Health, due to lack of diplomatic relations between the two countries, found itself at an intersecting point between Albania and the U.S. There followed an intensive communication between The Ministry of Health and Syrius Systems Inc. during the subsequent months.

In one of the Government meetings I heard the Prime Minister speak of the difficulties we were encountering in wheat imports, while there was a pressing need for this grain. I called Dr. Agim Leka and asked him whether he could use his connections to secure the purchase of a quantity of wheat for Albania. He found this difficult, but said that he had a friend, a former U.S. ambassador to Pakistan, who maybe could help. I hold to my conviction that individuals are not unimportant when they are given a chance to help their country. I had done it myself in my own field of medicine, with WHO, UNFPA, and the Red Cross. But this time, I was overstepping my feed. In my estimation, Dr. Leka was a true patriot and I was hoping he would do whatever he could to help us, all the more so since it was clear that the Department of State was siding up with these kinds of relations with Albania.

On the 25th of December 1990, The Washington Post published an article entitled “Albania Opening to Trade.” In spite of a few inaccuracies, the article mentioned the visit of the President of Syrius Systems Inc. in Tirana and the agreement for the purchase of the two scanning appliances, which also provided for the specialization of two medical doctors and two engineers in the U.S. The article emphasized that the businessman’s father, Dr. Agim Leka, an internal medicine doctor in Long Island, had opened the way for this visit after telephone talks with officials of the Ministry of Health in Tirana. The article also noted other purchases in the works: 50 pacemakers and two telephonic systems; as well as preparations for securing the necessary equipment for an emergency care center (about to finish being built next to the “Asllan Rusi” sports center), including 10 ambulances and a helicopter; while it also mentioned the efforts being made to facilitate the purchase, by the Albanian government, of 50.000 tons of wheat at a favorable price.

The article also announced the next visit by the President of Syrius Systems Inc. to Tirana and the fact that a textile company and a pharmaceutical company had expressed an interest in the matter. The article also emphasized the goodwill of Albanian officials to reestablish diplomatic relations with the U.S., as these officials had expressed it to [U.S.] Senator Tom Lantosh when he had visited Albania a year ago; as well as Ramiz Alia’s participation in the UN Assembly and his meeting with a group of Albanians in the U.S. The article clarified that the selling of scanners to Albania was made possible by a decision of the U.S. and the EU in the summer of that year, which allowed the selling of such equipment to Eastern Europe. “The acquisition of CAT scanners is part of a gradual opening of Albania, which for many decades has been one of the most isolated countries in the world,” said the article.

In a fax dated 27 December 1990, the Health Minister would call year 1990 as a year to be noted for Albanian medicine and Syrius Systems Inc., in view of their current and perspective cooperation. He expressed the conviction that 1991 would be the year of additional important achievements. He also had high esteem for his countrymen, who had brought honor to themselves by engaging in the development and the prosperity of the country; as well as for the efforts of the President of Syrius Systems Inc., together with his staff, in helping improve the quality of health care in Albania and also on behalf of developing, advancing and strengthening the country. In his response by fax, also on 27 December 1990, the President of Syrius Systems Inc. would write that “We are proud that the Ministry of Health, under your guide, and Syrius System Inc. of America, have been at the forefront of the relationships between the U.S. and Albania,” and that he foresaw that during 1991, the much expected diplomatic relations would be reestablished, too.

On the 3rd of January 1991, I was notified, through a handwritten note by Dr. Shpëtim Telegrafi, that Dr. Agim Leka had called to talk to him about issues that, given their delicate nature, he did not wish to make them known to me via the Ministry fax. He probably did not know that the fax was in my office, on my desk. I was thus being informed that on the 2nd of January 1991, Dr. Leka, together with Donald Leka and with Willian Contos, former ambassador of the U.S. to Pakistan, had had a 90 minutes talk with three high officials of the State Department. They had discussed the possibility of selling at a convenient price, or possibly donating to Albania, a quantity of wheat. Dr. Leka had explained that Ramiz Alia represented stability in the Balkans, which was in keeping with the interests of the U.S. in the region; that the declaration of the reestablishment of diplomatic relations would contribute towards this stability; that the Albanian people loved Ramiz Alia; and that he himself used to be an opponent of Alia, but now was vouching for Alia; that Alia’s program was progressive and Alia himself a peaceful and democratic politician; that he could steer the Albanian ship in the right direction.

Since Ramiz Alia had declared that the upcoming elections would be entirely free, they had asked whether an American delegation headed by Jimmy Carter could be sent to assist. Furthermore, he especially underlined the positive contribution by Mr. William Contos, a man close to George Bush and who had helped make the meeting at the Department of State happen; and he suggested that they both be invited for a visit to Albania, at a time of convenience to them. This, he underlined, would help dissipate the unpleasant memories of the Albanian-American relations in the recent past.

In keeping with the protocol of the time, I passed this information through the Sector of Foreign Relations to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, while also discussing it with Minister Reiz Malile, who had direct access to the President. In the matter of the wheat purchase, I also notified the Prime Minister, who expressed surprise that I had involved myself in the matter. Nonetheless, later, he agreed to proceed with it.

On the 15th of January 1991, Dr. Leka faxed me a letter he had received from the Vice Assistant Secretary of the Office for European Relations at the State Department. With this letter he informed Dr. Leka of the actions being taken after their talk two weeks ago at the State Department in regard to the project of selling wheat to Albania in the frame of the Export Enhancement Program (EEP), actions that would surely demand time. On the 27th of January 1991, the President of Syrius Systems Inc. explained, through a fax addressed to the Minister of Health, how the letter of the Department of State dated 15 January in regard to EEP should be understood, and namely that the EEP implied a partial payment of the price of wheat from the U.S. Thus, if the price for one ton of wheat FOB for the European Union was a little over $90.00, for Albania it would be $75.00.     

This, of course, demanded an official letter from the head of the Albanian Food Purchase Office, indicating the quantity of wheat and a price that would be sufficient in order to begin a specific proposal for the Export Enhancement Program for Albania. He added that, after consulting with the former Vice Secretary of Agriculture, no obstacles were foreseeable in the realization of this goal. In absence of diplomatic relations, he concluded, it was important to continue building upon working relations between the two countries with a vision towards the future.

It was clear that things were progressing well, both in regard to trading relations and in regard to reestablishing diplomatic relations between our two countries. On the 31st of January 1991, through a fax addressed to the Minister of Health, the President of Syrius Systems Inc. made it known, with obvious enthusiasm, that the Washington Post article of 25th December 1990 had echoed all over the American Press and had awoken the interest of the state of Oklahoma. 

After a series of clarifying meetings between representatives of Syrius Systems Inc. and representatives of the Department of Trade of the State of Oklahoma, the latter had come up with concrete proposals with regard to investments in the Albanian ports of Vlora and Durrës; in infrastructure (transport and communication) with the aim of turning them into entry gates for Eastern Europe and especially the Balkans and establishing a trading bridge between these ports and the Mississippi ports in the heart of America; as well as in building big warehouses in Oklahoma for the storage of Albanian exports.

As a first step there was a request for the exchange of experts in the fields of ports, terminals and the practice of water and sea ways, and soon after, the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding for the recognition of the Plan of Action, and the issue of authorization for its execution. The Memorandum was to be signed by the Secretary of Trade of Oklahoma and the corresponding Albanian official. Besides this, he confirmed that he would arrive, with other colleagues, on the 17th of February 1991. Attached was the “Plan of Action – Ports, Water and Sea Ways; Technology and Transfer of Information” (The State of Oklahoma – The Albanian Government, February 1991).

Albania and Some Lost Opportunities

 

On our last issue, we started publishing an essay written by the well-known physician Prof. Ahmet Kamberi, in which he described the early cooperation efforts with the U.S. that he undertook, in his capacity of Minister of Health at the end of 1990 and the beginning of 1991, for bringing medical equipment to Albania and other projects. The second part of prof. Kamberi’s memoirs dwells on the same topic, while also describing the situation in the country at that moment and the progress in Albania’s contacts with the U.S. before diplomatic relations between the two countries were established.

The date of 31st January 1991 was also my last day in office as Minister of Health. During January I had intervened a few times in Government meetings in regard to the situation created in the country, interventions which hadn’t been favorably received. Two days ago, I had requested the resignation of the Government, reasoning that, given the situation of overall discontent, the government was not able to govern the country with the same style and methods as it had until then. But my request was not put to vote, since it was not backed by any of my colleagues. The Government “improved” itself by letting go only the Minister of Culture, Prof. Alfred Uçi, and me. A possible cause for our dismissal from the government might be related to the fact that, in December 1990, during the protests in Shkodra, some members of the government, among which Minister of Culture Prof. Alfred Uçi, Minister of Education Skënder Gjinushi, Minister of Construction Ismail Ahmeti, Minister without Portfolio Farudin Hoxha, Minister of Light Industries Ylli Bufi, General Director of Mechanical Industries Pandi Carapuli, and me the Minister of Health, after a short meeting in the office of Skënder Gjinushi, went to the President Ramiz Alia and requested that he discharge the Government. As agreed upon, Prof. Alfred Uçi spoke on our behalf, while I made some interventions in support of our request. But our request was not accepted and was not received well by the President.

In spite of this, I took well my dismissal from the Government, since I didn’t want to continue being part of a government whose resignation I had asked for myself. In fact, the government would fall after three weeks. In the letter I sent the Prime Minister, for the knowledge of the President, dated 31st January 1991, I added the following post scriptum: “Seeing that I wish to do one last service to the government, I’m attaching a letter that I received today from the President of the American firm Syrius Systems Inc., in regard to a project of investments on behalf our ports, etc., from the Department of Trade of the State of Oklahoma in the USA; a letter which this Department has sent to the representative of this firm; as well as the Plan of Action that this Department proposes to be signed.” I also wrote to the President of Syrius Systems Inc., to notify him of my discharge from the position of Minister of Health and expressed the pleasure of the two of us having started a fruitful cooperation for the good of Albania and of the Albanians who lived far from their land and who loved it. I also asked that he continue his cooperation with Albania, and I underlined that the process of democratization that was developing in our country created, and without doubt would create, new and greater opportunities towards this cooperation. At least, this was my conviction at the time.

Unfortunately the effort for equipping our health service with necessary contemporary technology would fail within a few months. The contract signed in January 1991 provided for a payment of US$400 thousand for two scanners and a six-month specialization in the U.S. for two electronic engineers and two medical doctors. The payment would be made in five installments. The first $80.000 installment would be paid immediately after the signing of the contract. This installment was paid by the Ministry of Health in January 1991, while I was still in office. The other four installments of $80.000 each would be paid respectively when the equipment would arrive in Trieste, when it would arrive in Durrës, after it would be assembled, and one year after being assembled. We had selected skillful specialists and we had determined the place where the equipment was to be installed. In August 1991 the equipment had arrived in Trieste, but the payment had not been installed and they were left there beyond the agreed-upon deadline. Around the beginning of December 1991, Mr. Luan Leka, Dr. Agim Leka’s brother, advised by the latter, came to me, at my house, and notified me about this. It was deplorable, but that’s what had happened. I felt bad. It was a job I had begun and now I was completely powerless to finish it. At that time, Mr. Niko Gjyzari was the deputy governor of the Albanian National Bank. He knew about the agreement to buy the scanners and I thought he was the only person that could help in solving the problem. Mr. Gjyzari, to whom I addressed, explained to me the financial difficulties of the country, but I insisted, knowing that he felt as bad as I did if the contract were not to be honored. Mr. Gjyzari made do somehow and the second installment was paid. To this day I feel indebted towards him for his understanding.

The way was cleared for the equipment to arrive in Durrës. In January 1992, a year after the signing of the contract, Mr. Luan Leka visited me again at home and brought me a letter sent to him by his brother Dr. Agim Leka. This letter was written on the 27th of December 1991 and Mr. Luan had been instructed to bring it to me. From this letter I learned that the scanners could well have been shipped to Durrës after all these vicissitudes, but the Syrius Systems company, taking into consideration the difficult situation in the Albanian government, had decided to pay the fines and let the equipment stay at the port of Trieste. This was an absolutely undeserved penalty. In this letter, apart from some instructions pertaining to the unloading and the maintenance of this equipment so badly needed for the improvement of the quality of our healthcare, he would also write: “Donald, as well as REMEDPAR factory, has kept to the contract signed in the beginning of this year, a contract that represents Albania’s first legal economic contact with the United States before the reestablishment of diplomatic relations, for which some of us have worked with fervor and with the belief that it was the only way to save our country of origin. Because of this and because of the first contract signed between Donald and the representatives of the Ministry of Health, it seems that this activity might not have been appreciated by everybody for what it is: a simple act love for the country and the destitute people, sons of which is also us Albanians of the Diaspora… So, when it comes to patriotism, every man should answer to his own conscience.” He asked that Mr. Luan thank “those officials of the Ministry of Health who had sincerely suffered together with us for the many and unnecessary problems that had arisen from time to time.” Mr. Luan did not take back this letter but left it with me.

Unfortunately, it would not end there. The two scanners were doomed to remain another three years locked up in their container in Durrës, until the installment of one of them would be celebrated at the Neurological Hospital in Tirana. A contract made in the time when we did not have diplomatic relations with the U.S., something only a few could imagine, in extraordinarily favorable terms and implementable in seven or eight months, was inexcusably dragged on by our side, to the detriment of the quality of the health care of the country and damaging of our American partner, even more so at a time when by then the diplomatic relations between our two countries had been reestablished since 15 March 1991.

Reflection 

Writing about the efforts to develop economic relations with the U.S., while there had been no diplomatic relations between our two countries, I thought of the reasons why the reestablishment of these relations had taken so long. We’re used to hearing different versions about our relations with the U.S. It was once said that it was them that were responsible for the break of relations with a country that used to be our ally during the antifascist war. Today we openly admit that it was us who were responsible. Yet I decided to look for explanations by searching important documents, accessible to anyone in the Internet. Then I thought it would be of interest also to others like me.

Albania is a small country and as such it needs a powerful ally. The 100 year history of the Albanian state is the history of a country the existence of which has been put to peril many times, even when Albania was aligned to the Allies in the world war against fascism; an alignment recognized by USA, Great Britain, and Soviet Union on 1942.

Albania came out of this war in ruins. The economy was in total collapse: destroyed roads, blown up bridges, burned houses, razed villages, hungry people, orphaned children, epidemics, but also people who had gotten rich through war profiteering, and other people that wanted to keep their privileges, not to mention the quislings and war criminals who found shelter in the defeated Italy; the neighbor Yugoslavia that wanted to “swallow” us, as it was mentioned by its leaders in a meeting with Stalin in 1946, as well as the neighbor Greece that claimed half of our country, all the way to the Shkumbin river.

In such extremely difficult circumstances, international recognition was more than desired. But contrary to the feverish insistence of the provisional Albanian government that it be recognized by our great allies in the antifascist war, the chief of the British military mission in Tirana, General Hodgson, would ask of the supreme allied commander for the Mediterranean in August of 1945 to protest against “the aggressive act” (as he considered it) of invasion by Albania in the isle of Sazan, which had been under the Italian occupation since 1914 – even though Italy was now a defeated power – and liberated in 1944 by our partisan forces [sic]. Differently from him, the chief of the American Mission in Tirana, J. E. Jacobs, would request that the U.S. Government do not accept, on the one hand, this British demand, and make “a point blank request” to the British Foreign Office, on the other hand, for a clarification about its real politics regarding the establishment of an independent Albania and regarding the opposition groups in Albania and elsewhere. “In other words” he continued, “we need to know if the British Foreign Office really wishes and is prepared to support the establishment of an independent Albania. We need to make it clear that we know about the declarations of some British officials who prefer to see this country divided and its southern part annexed by Greece” (1. Binaj Dh. An Analysis Of United States-Albanian Security Relations in Light of The War on Terrorism. Naval Postgraduate School, December 2004). As a man who knew very well the situation of Albania back then, he would request from the government of his own country to recognize the Albanian government, to send here experts that would be of help, to accept selected students to study in various fields of education, industry, mines and agriculture, and to possibly send a financial help until it could stand on its own feet (2. Jacobs JE. Final Report of Special Mission at Tirana. 16 August 1945). But it didn’t happen. The British position triumphed.

A well-acknowledged participant in the great war against fascism, Albania was not invited, unjustly, in the San Francisco Conference for the founding of the UN, while it had also been a member of the League of Nations. Unjustly, Albania was also not invited to the Conference of the Foreign Ministers in Paris either. The Greek resolution presented in this Conference maintained that Albania, as part of the Italian Empire and with the active backing of the Albanian quislings, had attacked Greece, which is why it considered Albania as part of the Axis, and naturally, demanded its partition. Ironically, this resolution had the open support of Britain and had won over the silence of the U.S., even though the Senate had passed a Resolution presented by Senator Pepper on April 19, 1946, which supported the Greek claims over Northern Epirus. In regards to this, the American Government had given a vague clarification to the Albanian Government, that this Resolution by the Senate did not have anything to do with the position of the Executive (1. Binaj, ibid).

The U.S. did not have any interests in Albania at the time and it was in support of its British ally. Nonetheless, things turned out differently, since through a request by Yugoslavia and with the support of the Soviet Union, Enver Hoxha, the Albanian Prime Minister, was invited to take the floor; with irrefutable arguments he dismissed the Greek claims and documented the horrendous massacres that the bands of the quisling General Napoleon Zerva, alone or in cooperation with the Germans, had perpetrated on the Albanian population in some areas of the south of Albania: Konispol, Pogon, Zagori, and Dhrovjan. He also documented the efforts by Greece towards the cleansing of Çamëria from its ethnic Albanian inhabitants, by forcefully dispatching 35.000 Çams to Turkey in exchange of Greeks from the Asia Minor; as well as the monstrous massacres of the quisling Zerva over the Çam population during the antifascist war, forcing 20.000 of them to leave in inhuman conditions and to find shelter and protection in Albania. He reminded our allies in the antifascist war of their declarations in support of the war and the sacrifices of the Albanian people; of the material help that these people had given for the war; and he also reminded our American ally the extraordinary sacrifices and dangers the Albanian partisans had to go through, in order to save the 13 American nurses, whose plane was forced to land in a zone invaded by the Germans (3. Hoxha E. Speech Delivered at the Plenary Session of the Paris Peace Conference. August 21, 1946).

When Greece began to think that its resolution would not pass, they made a cunning move, by withdrawing it. The overturning of that resolution would have cost Greece to put an end, once and for all, to its absurd claims over Northern Epirus. But had that resolution been passed with the backing of our great allies, who had assisted in our Antifascist National Liberation War, who had recognized that war and helped in (the British had even lost 53 men in its support) then all of us Albanians should know very well and never forget it that today we would be speaking a language different from Albanian.

It is well known small nations are permanently interested in having the support of a large nation. It is also known that the interests of a large nation in relation to small nations are not stable. That’s why small nations cannot hope to evade danger, and even annihilation, if they make the wrong choice, or if they feed to themselves self-annihilating ideas. Albania had made the right choice by fighting fascism and paid for that war with an extraordinarily high price in human lives and wealth, but its existence remained nevertheless at risk. It was of necessary importance that Albania be recognized by the international community in order for it to escape this danger – and that’s why it was fervently asking for it. Only Yugoslavia had recognized Albania, in April of 1945. Our two great allies in the west did not give this recognition, despite any claims that they might have had. With good will their claims would have found a solution. E. Hoxha had even offered concessions on the prewar treatises otherwise overturned by the Congress of Përmet. The third eastern ally, the Soviet Union, which had not given any direct support to our war, had left it in the hands of Yugoslavia and was lying in wait; but in November of 1945 they gave their recognition too. But Albania was of so little importance to the Soviet Union that the Albanian Prime Minister was denied a visit to Moscow in 1946, and Albania was not invited in September of 1947 in the meeting for the founding of COMINFORM, where all other eastern communist countries were invited. On the other hand in 1947, Great Britain jointly with the U.S. (which the former had managed to pull to its side) had decided to overthrow with force the Albanian government that had come out of the common antifascist war, through general elections that had been recognized by these two powers and found to be free (1. Binaj, ibid). Albania had no other choice but to jump on the side of the Soviet Union, even more so since the majority of its political leaders idealized it.

Nonetheless, despite the ideological war against American Imperialism, Albania never ceased requesting the reestablishment of relations with the U.S. In February of 1946, E. Hoxha made an attempt to ease the U.S. through the Yugoslav ambassador in Washington during the meeting with Secretary Acheson, but Acheson said that the patience of the U.S. towards Albania had come to an end. The second attempt was made in 1949 through Behar Shtylla, our Minister plenipotentiary to France, when he was participating in a meeting of the UN General Assembly NY for examining the dispute between Greece, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Albania. He told the State Department officials that the Albanian Government was willing to review the situation in the context of the new conditions that had arisen. But the American Government together with Britain had already decided what they would do (1. Binaj, ibid). In 1955, just when Albania had become a member of the UN, another unsuccessful attempt was made through our ambassador Reiz Malile in a meeting, requested by him, with the American ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge II (as related to the author by Mr. R. Malile himself). An attempt to get close to the U.S. was repeated in on October 5, 1966, after the break with the Soviet Union, through the Austrian Foreign Minister Lujo Tonic-Sorinj during his meeting with the U.S. Secretary of State Din Rusk. Referring to the desire expressed by Hoxha to a rapprochement to the west, he asked the U.S. Secretary if they expected any change from Albania. But Rusk thought it would be a great mistake by the U.S. if they were to attempt exploring Albanian intentions (1. Binaj, ibid). Maybe history wouldn’t have gone the way it went, if our Western allies had chosen a softer approach towards us.

Small nations are small nations and they should be perfectly aware of their stand. But the citizens of small nations should not live with a feeling of self-guilt towards a lack of achievements that is not only due to their shortcomings. They shouldn’t take upon their shoulders all of the weight of the lack of achievements even when that weight does not belong to them, but tell the truth openly, as they try to identify the painful areas in which a great friendly country should not be disturbed. On the first place this applies to us Albanians, who are often ready to criticize ourselves, without clarifying first what is the complete truth, or without wanting to know it – if that is our eclectic choice – while we bow down to others with a grimace on, taking upon ourselves even their fault, without even a blink.The rest is history. Albania had to pay a price for the independence and integrity that it safeguarded, fanatically, for 45 years. Yet, the time would come when Albania wouldn’t be so worthless for the U.S. any longer; and on March 15, 1991, the diplomatic relations between the two countries would be re-established. The Albanian community in the U.S. would become a major factor in bringing the two countries closer and keeping them so.

And nevertheless, Albania continues to suffer. Surprisingly, Albanian political leaders, once they come to power, cling by tooth and nail to the chair. Even when they’re yanked away from it, they never stop with their efforts to return. They identify our national interests with theirs and with the interests of their private circles. They identify the welfare of Albania with their own welfare. In order to raise themselves to a height that does not belong to them they use destructive language, invective, contempt, humiliation, stigmatization and damnation against their predecessors, young or old, as well as against the opponents who challenge them; language and behavior unworthy even of a simply immoral citizen. Their actions are covered by a thick veil that allows no ray of light to penetrate. The citizens, not used to think on their own and left in the dark, prefer to follow their shining Masters. The independence and sovereignty of the country is equalized with the independence and sovereignty of its rulers, to do whatever it suits them. This comes with a price catastrophic for the existence, freedom, development and prosperity of the country. Our national interests are not the interests of its rulers, neither of the EU, nor of the international community. If it passes through our mind that our existence within our actual boundaries is guaranteed, we’re making a big mistake! If it passes through our mind that the time of conflicts in the Balkans has ended, we’re making a big mistake! All of these can happen, with politicians who live with such dreams and do not work seriously towards determining our national aims, our national interests, and our treading lightly on the basis of priorities, without impinging on the interests of others, but also without allowing that others impinge ours.

The educators and the historians should open our eyes. More than anybody else they are today before a great test: Either help Albanian citizens to learn to think on his own, or stultify them even more and let them walk blindly after the diabolic leaders, capable of cheating and manipulating and telling grandmothers tales, where they make themselves to be the good ones and the others evil, so that they should be rulers while others should obey them. Dividing people and pitting them against themselves is their best weapon. They reach the point where they convince themselves, through their confabulation, that their “wisdom” would leave anyone who listens to them open mouthed. Too much wisdom is the curse of its owner, say in Shkodra, but until the curse reaches the destination it will have plenty of time to wreak unimaginable havoc.

It is clear that Albanians have much more to do. But let’s begin, firstly, to doubt the tales we are told and demand believable proof; and then understand that a democratic system can never be implemented without free and fair elections; that those who will do wrong to the country and the people must be punished by justice according to law – applicable equally to all; that we should punish the sowing of discord and national disunity as well as its perpetrators; that we should appreciate friends and allies by their deeds and help them love us, not do our job for us.

Caption: From Left to Right: Donald Leka, Dr. Agim Leka, Drini Leka/

PAVARESIA E KOSOVES (2008-2014)

by

Nga Dr. Agim Leka /

Si një nga delegatët e rinisë së Ballit Kombëtar në Lidhjen e Mukjes (Gusht 1-3, 1943) ku kërkuam zbatimin e Kartës së Atllantikut për parimin e Vetëvendosjes në lidhje me trojet etnike shqiptare, kam fatin që ta gëzoj  dhe ta përjetoj  ne moshën nëntëdhjetëvjecare gjashtëvjetorin e kësaj dite që  u bë e mundur me flijitë e panumërta të popullit shqiptar dhe me ndihmën e paçmueshme të Amerikës dhe të Botës së Qytetëruar. Të na ndihmojë Zoti që paqeja t’i vijë më në fund Ballkanit . Kam besim se ky qellim do të arrihet pse faktori shqiptar -që  e ka përvuajtur në kockë dhëmbjen e shtypjes-  tani afër 7 milion, do të mbizotërojë në prurjen në Ballkan mbarëvajtjen ndërmjet popujve dhe dinamizmin e nevojshëm për të ndryshuar mendësinë e urrejtjes me atë të  dashurisë për njerëzimin dhe dinjitetin e njeriut.

Në ditën e Pavarësisë së Kosovës, me 17 Shkurt, 2008, dhe çdo përvjetor të kësaj date historike, më kujtohen fytyrat e patriotëve shqiptarë që sakrifikuan jetën e tyre për çështjen shqiptare. Atje, ne “Botën e Amshuar” , i shoh se si buzëqeshin pse ëndërra e tyre u bë realitet. Shqiptari nuk është më skllav.  Duket se  në fund të kësaj “Udhe të Mundimeve”, Perendia po i jep privilegjin popullit shqiptar  të bëhet pararoja e Ballkanit për mbrojtjen e të drejtave të njeriut dhe frymëzuesi shpirtëror i te mirës mbi te keqen.

 

PËRBALTJA E NJË LUFTËTARI TRIM TË LIRISË DHE DHËNIA E PAFAJËSISË NGA GJYKATA NDËRKOMBËTARE E HAGËS

by

SHKRUAN: DR. AGIM LEKA/ NEW YORK/

Ky shkrim është i ndarë në katër kapituj. Kapitulli i parë është ribotim i një artikulli me të njëjtën temë, të nxjerrë në Illyria në 2005; kapitulli i dytë është një plotësim i artikullit të vitit 2005, që synon përditësimin me zhvillimet e reja. Kapitulli i tretë është Vendimi i Hagës, pas gjyqit të 2-të; ndërsa i katërti është përfundimi, që merret me sagën e Ramush Haradinajt dhe zhvillimet pasuese.

KAPITULLI I PARË

ARTIKULLI I MËPOSHTËM U BOTUA NË ILLYRIA SI PJESË E NJË SERIE PREJ 13 PJESËSH, ME TITULLIN “KOSOVA: VEND I HISTORISË SË DHIMBSHME (dhe mundime të tjera të kombit të gjymtuar shqiptar). Studimi më pas u zgjerua dhe u rinda në 22 pjesë.

PJESA E PARË U BOTUA NË NUMRIN 1451 TË GAZETËS, DT. 7-9 QERSHOR 2005, PËR T’U NDJEKUR NGA PJESËT E TJERA, NË NUMRAT VIJUES.

PJESË NGA ILLYRIA (PJESA III) (BOTIMI I VITIT 2005)

Intervista vijuese, me Mihajlo Mihajlovin, nxjerr qartazi në dukje synimet dhe politikat e errëta të udhëheqjes serbe të tanishme, për të minuar çdo shpresë për stabilitet në shtetin e ri të pavarur të Kosovës

{Shënim nga autori, më 1, gusht 2013}: “Disidenti sovjetik Andrei Sakharov e kish propozuar zotin Mihajlov për Çmimin Nobel për Paqe. Puna e tij u citua nga Aleksander Solzhenjicin, në Arkipelagun Gulag.

PJESA III

INTERVISTË ME MIHAJLO MIHAJLOVIN: Kostunica përballë Haradinajt

Gazetarja Marijana Milosavjeliç e së përjavshmes NIN, i bëri pyetjen e mëposhtme Mihajlo Mihajlovit (NIN, nr. 2816, 16 dhjetor 2004, f. 14): “Pse e konsideron Perëndimi zotin Kostunica, Kryeministrin e Serbisë, si problem më të madh se zotin Haradinaj, Kryeministrin e Kosovës?

Mihajlo Mihajlov: Arsyeja kryesore nuk është ndonjë komplot antiserb, apo ndonjë standard i ndryshëm gjykimi në verifikimin e krimit. Duhet të kemi parasysh edhe se z. Haradinaj ende nuk është paditur nga Gjykata e Hagës. Ai ka deklaruar tashmë se, në qoftë se do ta paditin, ai do të shkojë atje menjëherë.

Nga ana tjetër, persona tashmë të paditur nga Gjykata e Hagës që prej shumë vjetësh, vazhdojnë të bredhin poshtë e lart në Serbi. Kryeministri Kostunica nuk ka ndërmend t’ia dorëzojë këta Gjykatës së Hagës. Kjo i vë një damkë serioze Kostunicës.

Së dyti, urdhër-arrestet e shumta që janë lëshuar nga autoritetet në Beograd për Haradinajn mund, por mund edhe të mos përligjen. Unë nuk i gjykoj dot.

Unë e di mirë se çfarë ndodhi, ca vjet më parë, kur paraardhësi i z. Haradinaj, Dr. Bajram Rexhepi, u zgjodh Kryeministër i Kosovës. Shtypi në Beograd menjëherë e akuzoi atë si kriminel lufte, në bazë të faktit se ai kish qenë anëtar i UÇK-së në konflikt {kundër Serbisë së Milosheviçit}.

Argumenti kryesor në akuzën kundër Dr. Rexhepit si kriminel lufte ishte zbulimi i kokës së prerë të një personi të kombësisë serbe në zonën ku vepronte njësia e Dr. Rexhepit. Autoritetet mjekësore serbe në Prishtinë arritën në përfundimin se koka ishte prerë me një teknikë kirurgjikale jashtëzakonisht precize. Kjo u mbajt pastaj si provë se prerja e kokës ishte bërë nga Dr. Rexhepi, i cili është, në fakt, kirurg.

Më kujtohet sarkazma me të cilën shtypi botëror i përcolli “dëshmi” të tilla.

Pas gjithë kësaj, është logjike të supozohet që Kostunica do të konsiderohet si person më i urrejtshëm se Haradinaj, në sytë e opinionit publik botëror.”

{Shënim i autorit: Ia lejova vetes të përmirësoj përkthimin anglisht të intervistës më sipër dhe ta korrigjoj emrin e Kryeministrit të parë të Kosovës. Thelbi i përkthimit origjinal, nga Tanja B. Loncar, nuk është prekur.}

Më 8 mars, menjëherë pasi gjykata e krimeve të luftës e Kombeve të Bashkuara konfirmoi padinë kundër Haradinajt, ai dha dorëheqjen nga posti i tij si Kryeministër i Kosovës. Sikurse kish premtuar, u nis për në Hagë, që të përballej me akuzat, të cilat ai i mohon.

I ndjeri Robin Cook, ministër i Jashtëm i Britanisë së Madhe gjatë luftës në Kosovë, shkroi më 13 mars 2005 (Dawn, versioni Internet), nën titullin “Një akt guximi të mirëfilltë”: “Pata një numër kontaktesh me Ushtrinë Çlirimtare të Kosovës, para dhe gjatë ndërhyrjes së NATO-s për të ndalur spastrimin etnik të kosovarëve. Luftëtarët e saj treguan guxim të mirëfilltë kur u ngritën kundër makinës së fuqishme ushtarake serbe, pa artileri, mbrojtje ose mbulim nga ajri, për t’u bërë ballë kundërshtarëve. Por ata ishin aq të pamëshirshëm sa çdo forcë tjetër guerrilase në histori, dhe do të kish qenë naive të përfytyrohej se, në mes të spastrimit të mbrapshtë etnik të ndërmarrë nga Slobodan Milosheviçi, ata mund të bënin dallim të qartë midis luftëtarëve serbë dhe civilëve serbë. Prandaj është në favor të mëtejshëm të Haradinajt fakti që ai është shndërruar, nga komandant operativ i UÇK-së, në përkrahës të tolerancës.”

Wesley K. Clark, Komandant suprem i NATO-s gjatë fushatës në Kosovë, 1999, shkroi në The New York Times të dt. 14 mars 2005 për “daljen me dinjitet nga skena” të Haradinajt, duke përfunduar pastaj se: “Pavarësia mund të jetë mënyra më e mirë për të përftuar një shtet funksionues, që prodhon përfitime reale për njerëzit, përfshi këtu edhe serbët e Kosovës. Kur njerëzve u jep përgjegjësi, ata priren të sillen më me përgjegjësi.”

Dorëheqja e Kryeministrit të Kosovës dhe paditja e tij nga Gjykata e Hagës ngjallën shqetësim të madh mes shqiptarëve në Kosovë, të cilët e shohin z. Haradinaj si një nga heronjtë e tyre në historinë e Luftës Çlirimtare kundër makinës luftarake mizore të Slobodan Milosheviçit.

Pavarësisht nga akuzat kundër tij ose njësive të tij guerrilase, z. Haradinaj tregoi edhe një herë tjetër guxim dhe menjëherë iu përgjigj thirrjes për ta nxjerrë veten të pafajshëm. Duket sikur skenari i akuzave kundër Haradinajt mund të vijë drejtpërdrejt nga shërbimet e fshehta serbe, njëlloj sikurse rezultuan të ishin akuzat kundër paraardhësit të tij Dr. Bajram Rexhepi.

Në çdo rast, do të jetë e vështirë, për akuzën, që të mbrojë në gjyq, madje edhe para një “këshilli të urtësh”, tezën se aktet e organizuara të gjenocidit nga ushtria e rregullt e një shteti të njohur nga OKB-ja mund të barazohen me dhunën e tepruar sporadike, ose aktet kriminale të individëve të një force guerrilase vullnetare. Southeast European Times, e cituar nga “Koha Jonë” e datës 3 prill 2005, shkruan: “Ka ligje ndërkombëtare që vlejnë për agresorin dhe ligje që vlejnë për mbrojtësin e popullit; ligje për pushtuesin dhe ligje për luftëtarin e lirisë; ligje për vrasësin dhe ligje për viktimën.”

The Christian Science Monitor e dt. 11 mars 2005 citon Burim Kastratin, i cili i mbijetoi një masakre serbe në maj të vitit 1999, që la 21 të vrarë në fshatin e tij Zahaq, të ketë thënë se ai është i bindur që z. Haradinaj do të jetë në gjendje të dalë i larë nga akuzat: “Një person që vetëmbrohet nuk mund të jetë kriminel. Nuk mund të krahasojmë mizoritë e kryera nga një ushtri që vrau 10 000 vetë, me çfarë bën një ushtar në fushën e betejës, me një armë të vetme.”

Megjithatë, nëse ka raste kur janë kryer akte kriminale ndaj civilëve të pafajshëm, autorët e këtyre akteve duhet të dalin para gjyqit. Gjykata vetë mund të marrë parasysh rrethanat lehtësuese, në atë masë që njësitë guerrilase, të cilat veprojnë në klandestinitet, nuk i kanë mjetet, lehtësitë, shërbimet dhe sofistikimin e një ushtrie të rregullt, të një shteti të stabilizuar. Në këto rrethana, është e vështirë “të bësh dallim të qartë midis luftëtarëve serbë dhe civilëve serbë,” për ta thënë me ish-ministrin e Jashtëm të Britanisë së Madhe, të ndjerin Robin Cook.

Përkundrazi, për sa u përket autorëve të gjenocidit në ish-Jugosllavi dhe veçanërisht në Bosnjë, kryeprokurorja e Gjykatës Kriminale Ndërkombëtare të Hagës, Carla del Ponte, duke folur për gjeneralin Ratko Mladiç, komandant i ushtrisë serbe në Bosnjë dhe Radovan Karaxhiçin, udhëheqësin e serbëve të Bosnjës gjatë luftës, ka vërejtur se qeveritë serbe dhe boshnjake e dinë se ku gjenden këta njerëz dhe se kur ato qeveri thonë se po bashkëpunojnë me gjykatën, “gënjejnë.”

Agjencia e lajmeve B92 raporton më dt. 5 prill 2005 se ministri i Jashtëm i Serbisë dhe i Malit të Zi Vuko Drashkoviç ka thënë se “I pandehuri i Hagës Ratko Mladiç po fshihet prej qeverisë serbe me ndihmën e Agjencisë Informative të Sigurisë (SIA). Është logjike të supozohet se shërbimi e di se ku është Mladiçi, ose të paktën nëse ai është në Serbi apo jo. Pa këtë mbrojtje dhe këtë rrjet bashkëpunimi, Mladiçi nuk do të mund të mbetej i padukshëm. Po të isha unë kryeministër, do të kisha marrë në telefon shefin e SIA-s dhe do ta pyesja se ku është Mladiçi. Dhe po të më thoshte se nuk e dinte, do ta shkarkoja në vend.” Kështu i tha Drashkoviçi gazetës Financial Times.

Kjo deklaratë e zotit Drashkoviç tani është konfirmuar nga një njoftim për shtyp i Departamentit të Shtetit të ShBA, nga Nën-Sekretari për Çështjet Politike Nicholas Burns. Më 10 nëntor 2005, gjatë një raportimi për Komitetin e Marrëdhënieve me Jashtë të Senatit në lidhje me Kosovën, ambasadori Nicholas R. Burns tha: “Ne vazhdojmë përpjekjet tona diplomatike për të bindur qeverinë serbe në Beograd dhe qeverinë e Republikës Serbe në Banja Luka të Bosnjë-Hercegovinës që t’i dorëzojnë dy të paditurit për krime lufte Radovan Karaxhiç dhe Ratko Mladiç, që mbajnë përgjegjësi për masakrat e dhjetë vjetëve më parë. Unë i shpjegova Senatit, sot në mëngjes, se ne ende nuk do të vendosim marrëdhënie normale me Serbinë dhe Malin e Zi, sa kohë që Mladiçi nuk i është dorëzuar Hagës.

Atyre u duhet të marrin një vendim. Në qoftë se qeveria serbe dëshiron të jetë pjesë – të jetë plotësisht pjesë e NATO-s dhe BE-së, atëherë ata duhet ta meritojnë këtë. Nuk ka asnjë vend, në NATO ose në BE, që do të lejonte një të akuzuar për kriminel lufte të bridhte poshtë e lart në territorin e atij shteti. Dhe, në fakt, Mladiçi ka ndenjur i fshehur për dhjetë vjet, dhe për tetë nga këto dhjetë vjet ka gëzuar mbrojtjen e plotë të shtetit serb dhe të ushtarakëve serbë, siç e kanë pohuar këta vetë

Prandaj, nëse ata duan të trajtohen nga Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe NATO-ja si një vend që meriton anëtarësinë e ardhshme, ose edhe thjesht partneritetin, atëherë duhet të sillen siç duhet dhe ta arrestojnë Mladiçin, ose ta bindin që të dorëzohet vullnetarisht. Por ky është një kusht paraprak absolut, për pranimin e Serbisë në Partneritetin për Paqe. Ia dhashë këtë mesazh drejtpërdrejt Kryeministrit Kostunica, si dhe Presidentit Tadiç, kur isha në Beograd para tre javësh.”

Megjithatë, Kryeministri Vojislav Kostunica mbetet sfidues. Ja çfarë deklaroi ai në 2004: “Ky vend nuk është një furnitor me mall njerëzor i Gjykatës së Hagës.” (B92, 21 shkurt 2004). ME SA DIHET PUBLIKISHT, AI NUK DUKET TË KETË NDËRRUAR QËNDRIM.

The New York Times e datës 1 prill 2005, në një artikull të Nicholas Wood, shkruan se “Autoritetet serbe të Bosnjës thanë se janë duke hetuar rreth 900 zyrtarë të qeverisë së tyre, për të zbuluar nëse ata kanë pasur gisht në vrasjen e më shumë se 7 000 burrave dhe të rinjve myslimanë nga qyteti i Srebrenicës në 1995, gjatë luftës në Bosnjë. Grupet e të drejtave të njeriut thanë se numri i madh i zyrtarëve të akuzuar për përfshirje në vrasjet tregoi se shumë zyrtarë, politikanë dhe oficerë të sigurimit me poste drejtuese në luftë ishin ende në pushtet.”

Që prej 16 dhjetorit 2004, datë e intervistës së lartcituar me Mihajlo Mihajlovin, qeveria serbe dhe autoritetet në Republikën Serbe të Bosnjës janë përpjekur, me gjysmë zemre, të plotësojnë pjesërisht disa nga kërkesat e Gjykatës Ndërkombëtare të Hagës.

Shkruan e përditshmja britanike The Guardian: “Përballë presionit të madh nga Bashkimi Europian dhe ShBA, Kostunica ka hequr dorë nga kundërshtimi i ekstradimit të të akuzuarve dhe, që prej vitit të shkuar, ka ekstraduar gjithsej 13 të dyshuar. Si shpërblim për këto veprime, atij do t’i jepet drita e gjelbër për të filluar diskutimet, në rrugën e gjatë drejt pranimit në BE.” Mes të akuzuarve, është edhe gjenerali Nebojsa Pavkoviç, komandanti i Ushtrisë Jugosllave gjatë konfliktit në Kosovë. Megjithatë, protagonistët më të rëndësishëm të krimit në Ballkan, gjenerali serbo-boshnjak Ratko Mladiç dhe udhëheqësi i serbëve të Bosnjës dr. Radovan Karaxhiç, që të dy përgjegjës për masakrën në Srebrenicë, ende nuk janë arrestuar.

Duke dëshmuar para Kongresit të ShBA, në 18 maj 2005, Nën-Sekretari i Shtetit Nicholas Burns tha se “Serbia duhet ta mbyllë kapitullin e errët të viteve nëntëdhjetë, duke arrestuar dhe ekstraduar ish-gjeneralin Ratko Mladiç, dhe shtoi se Washington-i po e rrit presionin ndaj qeverisë serbo-boshnjake, që të veprojë po ashtu me Radovan Karaxhiçin.”

Më parë, Carla del Ponte, prokurorja e Gjykatës së Hagës për krimet e luftës në ish-Jugosllavi, kishte deklaruar se “Për mendimin tim, komuniteti ndërkombëtar nuk do të mund të marrë pjesë në ceremonitë përkujtimore me rastin e dhjetëvjetorit të gjenocidit në Srebrenicë, në qoftë se Karaxhiçi dhe Mladiçi nuk arrestohen dhe nuk i dorëzohen Gjykatës së Hagës. Unë vetë nuk do të marr pjesë.” Dhe, në fakt, ajo nuk mori pjesë në ceremonitë përkujtimore.

Kur bëri një vizitë në Beograd, me qëllim që ta nxiste qeverinë serbe për të arrestuar kriminelët e supozuar të luftës, të përmendur më lart, Carla del Ponte bëri publike një video, më 2 qershor 2005, që tregonte masakrën e 6 boshnjakëve të sfilitur dhe të torturuar nga milicia serbe afër Srebrenicës, në korrik të vitit 1995; katër nga viktimat ishin fëmijë nën 18 vjeç. Kësaj masakre i kish paraprirë një ceremoni, gjatë së cilës një prift serb ortodoks i kish dhënë bekimin milicisë serbe, për të pasur sukses në këtë mision. Kjo video dokumentare e tronditi opinionin publik serb dhe vetë qeverinë, “duke i detyruar udhëheqësit serbë që më në fund të pranonin rolin e vendit të tyre në masakrën më të rëndë të kryer në Europë, që prej Luftës së Dytë Botërore.” Në fakt, z. Tadiç, President i Serbisë, doli në televizion në Beograd së bashku me Carla del Ponte-n dhe deklaroi: “Serbia është tronditur thellë. Krimet janë kryer në emër të popullit tonë. Ato imazhe janë provë e një krimi të përbindshëm kundër personave të një feje tjetër, dhe fajtorët kanë qenë të lirë deri më tash.”

Suplementi Weekend Australian i The Times, i datës 4 qershor 2005, komentonte jo pa ironi: “Autoritetet serbe nuk vonuan t’i arrestonin fajtorët, pasi u transmetua videoja, por pyetjet mbeten se pse u deshën 10 vjet për t’i kapur këta njerëz, nëse identitetet e tyre njiheshin. Përgjigjja mund të ketë të bëjë me karremin e anëtarësimit të Serbisë në Bashkimin Europian po aq sa edhe me dëshirën për të vendosur drejtësi.”

Courtney Angela Brkiç, autore e “Stillness And Other Stories” dhe “The Stone Fields” (një rrëfim i punës së saj me gërmimet në varret masive jashtë Srebrenicës), shkruan në një OP-ED te gazeta The New York Times e datës 11 korrik 2005 të titulluar “The Wages of Denial” :

“Serbia duhet të heqë dorë nga përralla se vuajtjet e saj gjatë luftës ishin të barasvlershme me shkatërrimin që ua bëri të tjerëve. Dalja me një deklaratë të ndershme për Srebrenicën do të kish qenë një hap i parë në drejtimin e duhur, çka parlamenti serb duhej ta kish bërë. Sa kohë që njerëzit në Serbi e mohojnë bashkëfajësinë në krimet e luftës, ata largojnë çdo shpresë për drejtësi dhe ia rrezikojnë seriozisht të ardhmen dinjitoze vendit të tyre. Ndihmat Perëndimore në para që i janë derdhur Serbisë mund të ndihmojnë për të rindërtuar infrastrukturën e atjeshme, por nuk do të bëjnë asgjë kundër kancerit që ia gërryen zemrën atij vendi.

KAPITULLI I DYTË SHTESË

PËRDITËSIM I ARTIKULLIT TË VITIT 2005

1 gusht 2013

Z. Haradinaj u nxor, prej Gjykatës Ndërkombëtare të Drejtësisë në Hagë, dy herë i pafajshëm ndaj të gjitha akuzave. Fragmenti i mëposhtëm nga Wikipedia jep një tablo të qartë të peripecive që iu desh zotit Haradinaj të kalonte, duke pritur që të merrte fund ai kalvar që shpesh u bie në hise udhëheqësve të ushtrive çlirimtare të popujve të shtypur.

Edhe pas shpërbërjes së Federatës Jugosllave, të drejtat dhe dinjiteti i tyre shpesh u ekspozohen një përbaltjeje globale, të sajuar nga makina e fuqishme e propagandës së vendit shtypës, në këtë rast, e shtetit serb.

Ish-Drejtori i Ndjekjeve Ligjore Publike, Lordi MaDonald of River Glaven QC (Queen’s Counsel) ka thënë: “Kjo ndjekje ligjore ishte një orvatje e trashë për të barazuar rezistencën me agresionin. Ishte turp për komunitetin ndërkombëtar.” [41] (Citat nga Wikipedia).

Kësisoj, fitorja e zotit Haradinaj të cilit iu njoh pafajësia e plotë nga Gjykata më e Lartë Botërore e Drejtësisë, është dyfish e rëndësishme – jo veç për atë personalisht, por edhe për popullin e Kosovës. Ndërkohë, trupat e mijëra qytetarëve të vrarë të Kosovës ende mbeten në varre makabre të panjohura ose janë shkrumbuar në furrat e përbindshme të një shteti të mirënjohur terrorist.

Sipas burimit shqiptar “24 Orë” të dt. 31 korrik 2013, rreth 12 500 shqiptarë janë vrarë dhe 2 750 janë zhdukur. Deri më sot, vetëm 3 serbë janë dënuar për këto masakra.

Ky standard i dyfishtë në vlerësimin e jetës, sipas kriteresh të ngjashme me ato të Aparteid-it, përfaqëson një sfidë për brezin tonë, si njerëz vullnetmirë, në të dy anët e ndarjes etnike.

Shkrimtari jugosllav dhe i burgosuri i mendimit, i ndjeri Mihajlo Mihajlov, që për shumë vjet jetoi në të njëjtën qeli burgu jugosllav me kolegun e vet kosovar Adem Demaçi – fitues i çmimit Sakharov dhe njëzet e shtatë vjet i burgosur – u citua më lart, tek shprehte përshtypjet e veta aq parashikuese, për pafajësinë e zotit Ramush Haradinaj. Ai ishte, pa dyshim, i vetëdijshëm për të gjitha intrigat që regjimi serb ishte në gjendje të thurte, kur ishte fjala për të denigruar, ose së paku për të vendosur në të njëjtin plan, luftën për çlirimin kombëtar të shqiptarëve të Kosovës me aktet mizore të ushtrisë dhe të policisë serbe, kundër popullsisë civile në Kosovë. Në fakt, gati një milion qytetarë të Kosovës u dëbuan nga trojet e tyre stërgjyshore, gjatë një përpjekjeje të frikshme për të arritur zgjidhjen finale të planit historik serb për spastrimin etnik të popullsisë shqiptare.

Në korrik 1995, më shumë se 7 000 burra dhe djem të rinj u ekzekutuan nga ushtria serbe, edhe pse ishin nën mbrojtjen e Kombeve të Bashkuara, në Srebrenicë të Bosnjës.

Bota e qytetëruar nuk mund të toleronte më përsëritjen e atyre skenave të tmerrshme, që të kujtonin krimet më të shëmtuara kundër njerëzimit, gjatë Luftës II Botërore.

Ishte meritë e ndërhyrjes së NATO-s, nën udhëheqjen e gjeneralit Wesley K. Clark, Komandat Suprem i Aleatëve, dhe e sakrificave të Ushtrisë Çlirimtare të Kosovës, që më në fund forcat e së keqes pësuan disfatë dhe u krijua një shtet i pavarur i Kosovës.

Është meritë e presidentit William Clinton, monumenti i të cilit në qendër të Prishtinës garanton simbolikisht mbijetesën e Kosovës; dhe e presidentit George W. Bush, që e përshpejtoi shpalljen e pavarësisë së Kosovës dhe monumenti i të cilit ngrihet kryelartë në një qytezë shqiptare afër Tiranës që ai vizitoi, që shteti i lirë dhe i pavarur i Kosovës është sot realitet. Sot që po shkruhen këto radhë, shteti i pavarur i Kosovës është njohur nga njëqind e një shtete të botës.

Presidenti William Clinton dhe Presidenti George W. Bush, njëlloj si Presidenti tjetër George H. W. Bush që ia vuri kufirin te thana Presidentit Milosheviç të Serbisë, ecën në gjurmët e Presidentit Woodrow Wilson, për të thelluar një traditë të Presidentëve amerikanë në mbrojtje të shteteve të vogla dhe të ekspozuara ndaj rrezikut, duke theksuar, njëkohësisht, fisnikërinë e Kombit Amerikan.

 

 

KAPITULLI I TRETË

VERDIKTI I FJALËPËRFJALSHËM I GJYKATËS ME DOKUMENTIMIN PËRKATËS (shih WIKIPEDIA)

Gjyqi i dytë

Gjyqi i dytë filloi në 2011, përballë një trupi gjykues të dytë, të përbërë nga tre gjykatës të tjerë. Z. Haradinaj sërish mbrohej nga Ben Emmerson Q.C, z. Rodney Dixon. Akuza thirri 56 dëshmitarë kundër zotit Haradinaj, ndërsa zoti Haradinaj edhe një herë nuk thirri asnjë dëshmitar të mbrojtjes.

Më 29 nëntor 2012 Ramush Haradinaj u nxor i pafajshëm për herë të dytë.[39] Këtë herë, për shkak të impenjimit të skajshëm të gjykatës dhe të palëve, nuk pati akuza për frikësim të dëshmitarëve. Përkundrazi, gjykatësit përfunduan se jo vetëm nuk kish prova për të dënuar zotin Haradinaj, por edhe se, provat e siguruara tregonin se ai ishte përpjekur të ndalonte sjelljen kriminale, sa herë që kish mundur.[40]

Akuza kryesore ndaj zotit Haradinaj ishte se ai kish marrë pjesë në një plan kriminal për të përndjekur civilë. Gjykata e adresoi drejtpërdrejt këtë akuzë dhe deklaroi, në përmbledhjen e vendimit, se:

“Edhe sikur të konfirmohej ekzistenca e një plani të tillë, çka nuk është bërë nga ky trup gjykues, nuk ka asgjë në provat që të tregojë se Ramush Haradinaj ose Idriz Balaj mund të jenë përzier në ndonjë plan të tillë të përbashkët. Përkundrazi, provat tregojnë se, kur Ramush Haradinaj mori vesh për arrestimin dhe keqtrajtimin e Skënder Kuçit, ai shkoi në Jabllanicë për të folur me Nazmi Brahimajn në lidhje me lirimin e Skënder Kuçit, duke i thënë këtij se “gjëra të tilla nuk duhet të ndodhin më, sepse e dëmtojnë çështjen tonë.” Kur Dëshmitari 3 shkoi te Ramush Haradinaj pasi ish arratisur nga Jabllanica dhe ishte kapur pastaj nga Lahi Brahimaj, Ramush Haradinaj i ofroi ushqim dhe strehë Dëshmitarit 3, dhe pastaj e la të lirë që t’i bashkohej familjes. Akuza nuk ka paraqitur asnjë dëshmi të besueshme për të konfirmuar se Ramush Haradinaj kish qoftë edhe vetëm dijeni për krimet që po kryheshin në bazën e UÇK-së në Jabllanicë.”

Pas këtij vendimi, u ngritën dyshime serioze në lidhje me arsyet pse ishte dashur që z. Haradinaj të paditej. Në fakt, një ish-Drejtor i Ndjekjeve Ligjore Publike, Lordi MaDonald of River Glaven QC (Queen’s Counsel) deklaroi dje: “Kjo ndjekje ligjore ishte një orvatje e trashë për të barazuar rezistencën me agresionin. Ishte turp për komunitetin ndërkombëtar.”[41] Qeveritë edhe të Shqipërisë edhe të Kosovës kanë kërkuar një hetim publik të sjelljes së Kryeprokurores Carla Del Ponte, në lidhje me vendosmërinë e saj për ta çuar përpara këtë akuzë.[42]

Geoffrey Nice, një prokuror i ICTY për çështjen e Milosheviçit, shkroi në një artikull në Koha Ditore se të paktën tre juristë prokurorë me eksperiencë e këshilluan Del Ponte-n që të mos e akuzonte formalisht Haradinajn, meqë fajësia e tij nuk do të mund të provohej.[43]Një prej këtyre juristëve ishte Andrew T Cayley Q.C., jurist nga më të respektuarit në Gjykatë dhe aktualisht Kryeprokuror i Gjykatës Kamboxhiane. Ai deklaroi se po ndiente presion në rritje për ta paraqitur akuzën, megjithë një mungesë flagrante provash.[41]Sir Geoffrey Nice Q.C. komentoi se presioni për ta paraqitur akuzën kundër Ramush Haradinajt vinte prej Kryeprokurores atë kohë, Carla Del Ponte-s, dhe përsiati se ajo dëshironte ta përdorte akuzën kundër Haradinajt si monedhë shkëmbimi me Beogradin, për ta bindur qeverinë serbe që të dorëzonte kriminelët e arratisur të luftës, Ratko Mladiçin dhe Radovan Karaxhiçin.[41][44][45]

Pasi analizoi në tërësi provat fillestare, Andrew T. Cayley Q.C. i shkroi Kryeprokurores së atëhershme për t’i thënë se akuza nuk mund të shkonte përpara, në bazë të provave që disponoheshin.[41] Ai raport u hodh poshtë menjëherë dhe Cayley u qortua për opinionet e veta.[41] Në protestë ndaj mënyrës si kryeprokurorja e shpërfilli këshillën e Cayley-t dhe e vazhdoi akuzën kundër zotit Haradinaj, tre prokurorët kryesorë Geoffrey Nice Q.C., Andrew T Cayley Q.C. dhe Mark Harmon u larguan nga detyra e Prokurorit.[41]

KAPITULLI I KATËRT

Përfundim

Luftëtari i lirisë z. Ramush Haradinaj doli dy herë i pafajshëm përballë të gjitha akuzave. Ai është tani qytetar i lirë sërish, me reputacionin të rikthyer, falë vendimit të Gjykatës Ndërkombëtare të Drejtësisë.

Megjithatë, jeta e tij politike u këput në mes dhe jeta e tij familjare u dëmtua rëndë, për shkak të viteve që qëndroi në arrest dhe shqetësimit për ecurinë e gjykimit në Hagë.

Saga e tij, megjithatë, nuk ka shenja se do të përfundojë së shpejti. Proverbi i mëposhtëm, pas gjase i vitit 1650 përafërsisht, por i popullarizuar nga Volteri në shekullin e 18-të: “Në qoftë se hedh mjaft baltë, ca do të ngjitë,” duket se nuk do ta lërë të qetë, pavarësisht nga vendimi i Gjykatës për pafajësi.

Si rezultat, errësimi i së vërtetës nga një makinë propagandistike e pamëshirshme, që synon të parandalojë dhënien e pafajësisë, mund t’i bëjë edhe vëzhguesit qëllim-mirë të pranojnë mundësinë e fajësisë, për palën e akuzuar. Kjo mund të ndodhë madje edhe në prani të vendimit për pafajësi të dhënë nga Gjykata Botërore e Drejtësisë, edhe pse me hidhërim të madh që një udhëheqës guerrilas në një pozicion të tillë me përgjegjësi historike, pas gjase e tradhtoi besimin e popullit të vet dhe idealet e larta të njerëzimit, d.m.th. shqetësimin për mirëqenien dhe dinjitetin e tjetrit.

Carla del Ponte, Kryeprokurorja në Hagë, tani është bërë objekt kritikash të hapura nga kolegët e vet, për zellin e tepruar që tregoi në akuzimin e zotit Haradinaj, dhe ajo mund të akuzohet vetë për abuzim me detyrën, për shkak të disa padive që janë ngritur. Në fakt, “Prokurori Sir Geoffrey Nice QC spekuloi se ajo dëshironte ta përdorte akuzën kundër Haradinajt si “monedhë shkëmbimi” me Beogradin, për ta bindur qeverinë serbe që t’i dorëzonte kriminelët e arratisur të luftës, të mirënjohurit Ratko Mladiç dhe Radovan Karaxhiç.[41][44][45]”

Kjo akuzë që është ngritur nga kolegët e saj do të vazhdojë të rëndojë në karrierën e saj dhe të ekspozojë egërsinë e saj të pashpjegueshme, duke implikuar që fati i Ramush Haradinajt po konsiderohej prej saj si “monedhë shkëmbimi” për të arritur një synim që do t’i lejonte të arrinte suksesin kryesor të karrierës, ose kapjen e kriminelëve të vërtetë të luftës, që gëzonin mbrojtjen e qeverisë serbe.

Edhe sikur akuzat e bëra ndaj saj të mos çoheshin më tutje, asaj do t’i duhet të jetojë, tash e tutje, me dyshimet që ngjalli sjellja e saj, meqë, në fakt, Ramush Haradinaj u trajtua si një person me të cilin mund të bëheshin eksperimente të paligjshme.

Në lashtësi, kjo shembëllzohej në shprehjen latine: “Fiat experimentum in corpore vili” (le të bëhen eksperimente në trupin pa vlerë), çka të kujton gjithë ato ngjarje të llahtarshme, që lidhen me trajtimin që u është bërë “racave inferiore” në histori. Kjo frazë u përdor, tani së voni, në një dramë nga Jane Taylor “Ubu and the Truth Commission,” që trajton shtetin e Aparteid-it dhe aktet e tij kriminale.

Ndërkohë, populli dhe shteti i pavarur i Kosovës vazhdojnë të përballen me vështirësitë e një shteti të ri, në kërkim të qetësisë që iu duhet për të jetuar në paqe me fqinjët, në kontekstin e një Europe demokratike, të mbrothët dhe të bashkuar. Pafajësia e një komandanti dhe udhëheqësi të Ushtrisë Çlirimtare të Kosovës, e shpallur nga Gjykata e Hagës, do të përmbushë dëshirën e tyre që bota të njohë se lufta e tyre kundër gjenocidit ishte e drejtë dhe e ndershme, dhe se sakrificat e tyre nuk shkuan dëm.

Pa çka se plagët e kosovarëve vazhdojnë të rrjedhin gjak. Shpresa e tyre që qeveria serbe do të kërkojë pendesë dhe falje mbetet ende synim i paarritshëm, sidoqë bota mbarë pret me padurim që konflikti i fundit etnik në Europë të gjejë zgjidhje.

Megjithatë, plagët që iu shkaktuan shqiptarëve të Kosovës ndihmuan për të forcuar vendosmërinë e tyre që të marrin vendin që meritojnë, në gjirin e shteteve të Europës. Shqiptarët e Kosovës tani munden vërtet të shohin me besim drejt së ardhmes. Shteti i tyre është njohur nga njëqind e një shtete dhe anëtarësimi i tij në Bashkimin Europian është bërë i dëshirueshëm jo vetëm për popullin në Kosovë, por edhe për vetë Bashkimin Europian.

Në fakt, shumë anëtarë të këtij Bashkimi morën pjesë, si anëtarë të NATO-s të udhëhequr nga ShBA, në luftën kundër Jugosllavisë, për të mbrojtur kosovarët nga shfarosja.

Teksa Europa u shtrin dorën e integrimit shteteve të Ballkanit, edhe anëtarësia e shtetit të Kosovës në OKB do të bëhet realitet.

Edhe një herë, Shtetet e Bashkuara do të sigurojnë që Kosova, si anëtar me të drejta të plota i Kombeve të Bashkuara, do të ketë shansin të japë kontributin e vet në këtë institucion të nderuar botëror.

Më në fund, kosovarët mund të gëzohen se fëmijët e tyre do të mund të rriten si qytetarë të një Europe të Bashkuar dhe të gëzojnë të gjitha privilegjet që do të sillte me vete ky status. Sakrificat e prindërve dhe të të parëve të tyre më në fund e dhanë efektin e dëshiruar. Shqiptarët e Kosovës janë tashmë zotër të fateve të veta!

VILIFICATION OF A VALIANT FREEDOM FIGHTER AND THE VERDICT OF INNOCENCE BY THE HAGUE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE

by

By Dr. Agim LEKA/ New York

This writing is divided into four headings. The first heading is the republication of an article on the same subject printed in Illyria in 2005,the second part is an addendum to the 2005 article to bring the events of the narrative up to date. The third one is the Hague verdict of the 2d trial, the fourth heading is the conclusion touching on  the saga of Ramush Haradinaj and its aftermath.

HEADING No: ONE

THE FOLLOWING ARTICLE WAS PUBLISHED IN ILLYRIA AS PART OF A SERIES OF THIRTEEN PARTS  UNDER THE TITLE OF “KOSOVA: A LAND OF AGONIZING HISTORY (and other ordeals of the dismembered Albanian Nation)”.THE STUDY WAS LATER EXPANDED AND WAS SUBDIVIDED IN TWENTY-TWO PARTS.

PART  ONE APPEARED ON  THE ISSUE  #1451 0N JUNE 7-9,  2005 . THE REMAINING TWELVE PARTS CONTINUED THEREAFTER ON THE FOLLOWING SUBSEQUENT ISSUES.

EXCERPTS FROM ILLYRIA ( PART III ) ( 2005 PUBLICATION)

The following interview with Mihajlo Mihajlov, vividly emphasizes the sinister goals  and policies of the present  Serbian leadership in undermining any hope of stability in the nascent Kosovar independent state.

{Note from the writer on August 1, 2013}: “  The Soviet dissident Andrei Sakharov nominated Mr. Mihajlov for the Nobel Peace Prize. His work was cited by Alexander Solzhenitsyn in The Gulag Archipelago.”

PART III

INTERVIEW WITH MIHAJLO MIHAJLOV: Kostunica versus Haradinaj

The journalist Marijana Milosavjelic of the weekly magazine NIN ( # 2816, Dec. 16, 2004, page 14)), posed the following question to Mihajlo Mihajlov: “Why the West considers Mr. Kostunica, the Prime Minister of Serbia as a bigger problem than Mr. Haradinaj,  the Prime Minister of Kosovo?

Mihajlo Mihajlov: “The main reason is not an anti-Serbian conspiracy or a different judgment process of verifying the crime.  One must also consider that Mr. Haradinaj has not as yet been indicted at the Hague Tribunal. He has already declared that should he be indicted, he would go there at once.

On the other hand, people already indicted by the Hague Court, for many years now, freely roam around Serbia. Prime Minister Kostunica has no intention of delivering them to the Hague Tribunal. That is a serious blemish for Kostunica.

Second, the numerous warrants that have been raised by Belgrade authorities for arresting  Haradinaj, may or may not be justified. I have no way of judging them.

I know exactly what happened, a  few years ago, when the predecessor of Mr. Haradinaj, Dr. Bajram Rexhepi was elected Prime Minister of Kosova. The Belgrade Press immediately accused him of being a war criminal on the basis that he had been a participant in the Kosova Liberation Army in the conflict { against Milosevic’s Serbia}.

The main argument for accusing Dr. Rexhepi as a war criminal was the discovery of an amputated head of  a Serbian national in the operating zone of Dr. Rexhepi’s unit. The Serbian medical establishment in Prishtina concluded that the head had been amputated with extremely precise surgical skill. This was assumed to be proof that the decapitation had been performed by Dr. Rexhepi, who happened to have been a surgeon.

I remember the sarcasm with which the World’s  Press greeted such “evidences.”

After all this, it is logical to assume that Kostunica may be considered to be more of an odious person than Haradinaj, in the World’ s public opinion”.

{Note from the writer: I have taken the liberty to improve the English translation of the above interview  and  cite the correct  name of the first Prime Minister of Kosova.  The essence of the original translation  by  Tanja B. Loncar, remains intact}.

On March 8, immediately after the UN  War crimes tribunal confirmed the indictment against Haradinaj, he resigned his post as prime minister of Kosova. As he had promised, he departed for the Hague to face the charges, which he denies.

The late Robin Cook, Great Britain’s Minister of Foreign Affairs during the Kosova war, wrote on March 13, 2005 (Dawn, the Internet Edition) under the title  “An act of real courage:”  “ I had a number of contacts with the Kosova Liberation Army  before and during the NATO intervention to halt the ethnic cleansing of the Kosovans. Its fighters demonstrated real courage in taking on the formidable Serb military machine with no artillery, armour or air coverage to match their opponents. But they were as ruthless as any other guerrilla force in history, and it would be naïve to imagine that in the middle of the vicious ethnic cleansing by Slobodan Milosevic they made a neat distinction between Serb combatants and Serb civilians. It is therefore, all the more to the credit of Haradinaj that he has made the transition from KLA field commander to advocate of tolerance.”

 

Wesley K. Clark, NATO Supreme allied commander during the 1999 Kosova campaign, writing  in the N.Y. Times of March 14, 2005, refers to Haradinaj’s  “dignified exit” and concludes that  : “Independence may well be the best way to get a functioning state that produces real benefits for people, including Kosova’s Serbs. When people have responsibility, they tend to behave more responsibly.”

The resignation of Kosova’s Prime Minister and his indictment by the World’s Court have caused dismay among the Kosovar Albanian population who look upon Mr. Haradinaj as one of their heroes in the  history of the War of Liberation against Slobodan Milosevic’s ruthless war machinery.

Independently from the  accusations against him or his guerrilla units, Mr. Haradinaj again showed courage and immediately responded to the call for a chance to exculpate himself. It seems that the scenario of accusations against Haradinaj may be coming straight from the Serbian Intelligence Services themselves just as the accusations against his predecessor Dr. Bajram Rexhepi  turned out to be.

At any rate, it would be difficult to make a case in a court of law or for that matter in a gathering of “ elderly wise men”   by equating organized genocidal acts by the  regular army  of a UN recognized state with sporadic excessive violence or criminal acts by individuals of a voluntary  guerrilla force. Southeast European Times, as cited by “Koha Jone” of April 3,  writes: “There are international laws that are in force for the aggressor and for the protector of people, for the conqueror and for the freedom fighter, for the killer and for the victim.”

The Christian Science Monitor of March 11 edition, quotes Burim Kastrati, who survived a Serb massacre in May 1999, that left 21 people in his village of Zahaq dead, as saying that he is confident that Mr. Haradinaj will be able to clear his name: “ A person who is defending himself cannot be a criminal. We can’t compare the level of atrocities  by an army that killed 10.000 people to a soldier on the ground with only one weapon.”

Nevertheless, in those instances in which criminal acts have occurred against innocent civilians, those responsible should be held responsible in a court of law. Extenuating circumstances may be considered in the court’s independent judgment given that guerrilla units from their clandestine hideouts do not have the facilities, services  and sophistication of a regular army of an established state. Under those conditions,  it  is difficult “to make a neat distinction between Serb combatants and Serb civilians” to quote the former foreign minister of  Great Britain the late  Robin  Cook.

By contrast,  relative to the perpetrators of genocide in the former Yugoslavia and particularly in Bosnia, the  chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in the Hague, Carla Del Ponte, speaking of General Radko Mladic, the commander of the Serbian Army in Bosnia, and Radovan Karadzig, the leader of the Serbians in Bosnia during the war, has claimed that the Serbian and Bosnian  governments know where the wanted men are located, and when they say they are cooperating with the court, “they are lying.”

B92 News of April 5, 2005 reports that  Serbia-Montenegro Foreign Affairs Minister Vuko Draskovic  said that “ Hague suspect Ratko Mladic is hiding from the Serbian government with the help of the Security Information Agency (SIA). It is logical that the service knows where Mladic is, rather , whether he is in Serbia or not. Without this  protection and this web, Mladic would not be able to remain invisible. If I were prime minister, I would call the SIA chief and ask him where Mladic is. If he replied that he did not know, I would dismiss him from the position immediately.” Draskovic told the Financial Times.

The assertion of Mr. Draskovic is now being confirmed, through a Press Release by the U.S. State Department, by no less than  R. Nicholas Burns, Under Secretary for Political Affairs. On November 10, 2005,  in a briefing to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Kosova, Ambassador Nicolas R. Burns said: “We continue our diplomatic efforts to convince the Serb Government in Belgrade and the Republika Srpska Government in Banja Luka in Bosnia-Herzegovina to give up the two indicted war criminals  who are responsible for the massacres of ten years ago, Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic.  And I spoke this morning in the Senate about our withholding of a normal relationship with Serbia and Montenegro, specifically, until Mladic is turned over to the Hague.

They have to make a choice. If the Serb Government wants to be part- fully part of NATO and the EU, they have to then act like it. There is no country in NATO or the EU that would allow an indicted war criminal to roam at large in the territory of that state. And in fact, Mladic has been at large for ten years and for eight of those years was protected fully by the Serb state, by the Serb military, by their own admission

And  so if they want to be treated by the United States, by NATO, as a country that is worthy of future membership or even a partnership, then they have to act like it and have to arrest Mladic or convince him to surrender voluntarily. But that is an absolute prior condition to any Serb admission into Partnership for Peace. I gave that message directly to Prime Minister Kostunica as well as President Tadic when I was in Belgrade three weeks ago.”

Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, however, continues to  be succinctly defiant. This is what he proclaimed in 2004:  “This country isn’t a delivery service for human merchandise to the Hague tribunal.” (B92, February 21, 2004.) SO FAR AS IT IS PUBLICLY KNOWN, HE DOES NOT APPEAR TO HAVE CHANGED THIS POSITION.

The N.Y.Times of April 1, 2005, in an article written by Nicholas Wood, states: “The Bosnian Serb authorities said that they were investigating nearly 900 officials of their own government to determine whether they had a role in the killings of more than 7000 Muslim men and boys from the town of Srebenica in 1995 during the war in Bosnia. Human rights groups said the large number of officials accused of involvement in the killings showed that many officials, politicians and security officers who conducted the war were still in power.”

Since December 16, 2004, which is the date of the above mentioned interview with Mihajlo  Mihajlov,  the Serbian government and the authorities in Bosnia’s Serb Republic have reluctantly tried to satisfy partially  certain demands of the World’s  Court in The Hague.

The British Daily Guardian writes:  “ With a great deal of pressure from the European Union and the U.S., Kostunica has given up on standing against the extradition of inductees and has extradited a total of 13 suspects since last year. The reward for his actions will be the ‘green light’ for the beginning of discussions on the long road towards entrance into the EU.” Among the inductees,  is included Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic, the commander of the Yugoslav Army during the conflict in Kosova. However, the most important protagonists of the Balkan crimes, Bosnian Serb  General  Ratko Mladic and Dr. Radovan  Karadzic, the leader of the Bosnian Serbs,  both of them responsible for the carnage of Srebrenica, remain elusive.

 

In his testimony in front of the U.S. Congress on May 18, 2005, Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns said that “ Serbia should close its dark chapter of the nineties by arresting and extraditing the former general Ratko Mladic, and added that Washington is increasing its pressure on the Bosnian Serb government to do the same for Radovan Karadzig.”

 

Earlier, Carla del Ponte, the Hague Tribunal prosecutor for the war crimes in the former Yugoslavia,  had stated:” In my opinion, it would be impossible for  the international community  to attend the commemorative ceremonies on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the genocide in Srebenica,  if Karadzig and Mladic are not arrested and delivered to the Hague’s Tribunal. For myself, I shall not participate.” And, indeed, she did not attend the commemorative ceremonies.

Carla del Ponte, visiting Belgrade with the purpose of inducing the Serb government to arrest the above mentioned alleged war criminals, released a video on 6-02-05 covering  the massacre of 6 Bosnian  tortured and emaciated civilians  in  July  of 1995 by Serb militia near Srebenica, among them four children under the age of 18. This massacre was preceded by a blessing to the Serb militia on the part of a Serb Orthodox priest for success of the mission. This documentary video stunned  the Serb public opinion and the government itself  “forcing Serb leaders to finally acknowledge their country’s role in the worst massacre in Europe since World War II.” In fact, Mr. Tadic, the President of Serbia, appeared on   Belgrade’s T.V., with Carla  del Ponte, and declared :  “Serbia is deeply shocked.  The crimes had been carried out in the name of our people. Those images are proof of a monstrous crime committed against persons of different religion and the guilty have walked as free men until now”

The  Weekend Australian of the Times of June 4, 2005,  wryly comments :  “Serbian authorities quickly arrested the men after the footage was aired but questions remain over why, if their identities were known, it took 10 years to apprehend them. The answer may lie in the lure of eventual European Union membership for Serbia, as much as a desire for justice.”

Courtney Angela Brkic,  author of  “Stillness :And Other Stories” and “The Stone Fields” ( an account of her work excavating mass graves outside Srebenica), writes on the OP-ED of the New York Times of 07/11/05 under the title “ The Wages of Denial” :

“Serbia must relinquish the fairy tale that its own wartime suffering was equivalent to  the devastation it visited  on others. Adopting an honest declaration on Srebenica would have been an important first step, and the Serbian parliament should have taken it. For as long as Serbia’s people deny complicity in war crimes, they undercut any hope for justice and cheat their country out of any decent future. The Western aid money that has poured into Serbia may help rebuild the country’s infrastructure, but it will do nothing to cut out the cancer that riddles the country’s heart.

HEADING No: TWO

ADDENDUM

UPDATING OF THE 2005 ARTICLE

August 1, 2013

Mr.Haradinaj was acquitted twice from all charges by the International Court of Justice at the Hague. The following excerpt from Wikipedia gives a clear picture of  the saga  Mr. Haradinaj underwent while waiting for a closure of the calvary that often befalls upon leaders of Liberation Armies of oppressed peoples.

Even after the dissolution of the Yugoslav Federation, their rights and dignity are often exposed to a world wide vilification engineered by the power of the propaganda machinery of the oppressor nation, in this case, the power of the Serbian state

As a former Director of Public Prosecutions, Lord Madonald of River Glaven QC said: ”This prosecution was a stupid attempt to equate resistance  with aggression. It was an embarrassment to the international community.”[41] (Quote from Wikipedia).

Thus, the victory of Mr. Haradinaj by acquiring from the Highest World Court  of Justice the mantel of complete innocence is doubly important not only for him personally but particularly for the people of Kosova. In the meantime, thousands of Kosova’s executed citizens still lie in the macabre unknown graves or have been incinerated in the abominable furnaces of a well organized terrorist state.

According to the Albanian publication “24 Ore” of July 31 ,2013, circa 12,500 Albanians were killed  and 2,750 have disappeared. To this date only 3 Serbs are behind bars for these massacres.

This dichotomy on the appreciation of life on Apartheid-like lines represents the challenge of our generation of men of good will on both sides of the ethnic divide.

The late Yugoslav writer and prisoner of conscience Mihajlo Mihajlov,  who for many years shared a Yugoslav prison cell with his fellow Kosovar writer Adem Demaci – a Sakharov Prize winner who suffered twenty-seven years in jail- is quoted above to have expressed his prescient feelings about the innocence of Mr. Ramush Haradinaj. He surely was aware of all the intrigues that the Serbian regime was capable of concocting when it came to denigrate or at least to place on equal footing the war of national liberation of the Kosovar Albanians with the horrific deeds of the Serbian army and police against the civilian population of Kosova. Indeed, almost one million of Kosova’s citizens were expelled from their ancestral lands in a gruesome attempt to achieve a final solution of the Serbian historical goal of ethnic cleansing of the Albanian population.

In July 1955, more than 7000 men and boys were executed by the Serbian army, while being under United Nations protection, in Srebenica, Bosnia.

The conscience of the civilized world could no longer tolerate a repeat of those horrific scenes reminiscent of the worst crimes against Humanity during World War II.

It is to the merit of NATO’s intervention, led by the American General Wesley K. Clark,  Allied Supreme Commander , and to the sacrifices of the Kosovar Liberation Army that finally the forces of evil succumbed and an Independent Kosovar State was established.

It is to the merit of President William Clinton, whose monument in the center of Prishtina symbolically guarantees  Kosova’s survival and to President George W. Bush who expedited the declaration of Kosova’s Independence and whose monument stands proud in a suburb of Tirana he visited, that a free Independent Kosova state is now a reality. At this writing ,the Independent State of Kosova is recognized by one hundred-one nations in the World.

Both President  William Clinton and President George W. Bush as well as  President  George H. W. Bush  who traced the red line to President Milosevic of Serbia, join President Woodrow Wilson in establishing a tradition of American Presidents to protect the vulnerable small nations and thus glorifying the nobility of the American Nation.

 

HEADING No:THREE

VERDICT OF THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL WITH ITS DOCUMENTION (VERBATIM)

 

EXCERPT FROM WIKIPEDIA

Second Trial

The second trial began in 2011 in front of a second Trial Chamber made up of three different judges. Mr. Haradinaj was represented again by Ben Emmerson Q.C, Mr. Rodney Dixon. The Prosecution called 56 witnesses against Mr. Haradinaj and again Mr. Haradinaj called no defence witness.

On November 29, 2012 Ramush Haradinaj was acquitted a second time.[39] This time, due to the extreme diligence of the court and of the parties there was no allegation of witness intimidation. Instead the judges found that not only was there no evidence to convict Mr. Haradinaj, the Court held that the evidence established that he had acted to prevent criminal behaviour where he could.[40]

The central allegation against Mr. Haradinaj was that he participated in a criminal plan to persecute civilians. The Court directly addressed this allegation and stated in its summary of the judgment that:

“Even if the existence of such common plan were established, which is not the finding of the Chamber, there is nothing in the evidence to indicate that Ramush Haradinaj or Idriz Balaj may have been involved in any such common plan. On the contrary, the evidence establishes that when Ramush Haradinaj found out about the detention and mistreatment of Skender Kuçi, he went to Jabllanicë/Jablanica to speak to Nazmi Brahimaj regarding Skender Kuçi’s release, telling him that “no such thing should happen anymore because this is damaging our cause”. When Witness 3 was brought to Ramush Haradinaj after his escape from Jabllanicë/Jablanica and subsequent apprehension by Lahi Brahimaj, Ramush Haradinaj offered food and accommodation to Witness 3 and released him to his family. No credible evidence has been presented by the Prosecution to establish that Ramush Haradinaj was even aware of the crimes committed at the KLA compound in Jabllanicë/Jablanica.”

After this ruling, there were serious questions raised as to why Mr. Haradinaj was ever indicted in the first place. Indeed, a former Director of Public Prosecutions, Lord Madonald of River Glaven QC, said yesterday: “This prosecution was a stupid attempt to equate resistance with aggression. It was an embarrassment to the international community.”[41] The governments of both Albania and Kosovo have demanded a public inquiry into the behavior of the Chief Prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte over her conduct to bring this indictment forward.[42]

Geoffrey Nice, the ICTY prosecutor in the Milošević case, wrote in a column in Koha Ditore that at least three experienced prosecution lawyers advised Del Ponte against indicting Ramush Haradinaj since it could not be proved he was guilty.[43]One of those lawyers was Andrew T Cayley Q.C. one of the most esteemed lawyers at the Tribunal and currently the Chief Prosecutor at the Cambodian Tribunal. He stated that he felt increasing pressure to bring the case despite an acute lack of evidence.[41] Sir Geoffrey Nice Q.C. commented that the pressure to bring the case against Ramush Haradinaj stemmed from the lead Prosecutor at the time, Carla Del Ponte and he speculated that she wanted to use the indictment against Haradinaj as a “coin” to trade with Belgrade in order to convince the Serbian Government to hand over its high profile war criminal fugitives, Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadic.[41][44][45]

After a thorough review of the initial evidence, Andrew T. Cayley Q.C. wrote to the Chief Prosecutor at the time in which he told her that the prosecution could not proceed on the evidence it had.[41] That report was immediately discarded and Cayley was reprimanded for his views.[41] As a result of the manner in which the chief prosecutor ignored Cayley’s advice and pursued the indictment against Mr. Haradinaj, three senior prosecutors Geoffery Nice Q.C., Andrew T Cayley Q.C. and Mark Harmon left the office of the Prosecutor. [41]———————————–

HEADING No: FOUR

Conclusion

The freedom fighter Mr. Ramush Haradinaj  was acquitted twice from all charges. He is now a free citizen again. His reputation has been redeemed by the verdict of the International Court of Justice.

His political life was truncated and his family life  was terribly interrupted by the years of confinement and preoccupation with the proceedings at the Hague tribunal.

His saga, however, will not end for the foreseeable future. The following proverb, dating from circa 1650 and popularized by Voltaire in the 18th Century, : “If you throw enough dirt, some is  sure to stick” will continue to hunt him, the Court’s verdict of innocence not withstanding.

As a result, the obfuscation of  truth by a ruthless propaganda machine, whose intent is that of preventing  a judgment  of innocence, may induce even well intentioned observers to acquiesce to  the possibility of guilt for the alleged accused party. This may happen even in the face of a verdict of innocence by the World’s Court of Justice, albeit with a great deal of chagrin,  for a guerrilla leader  in such a position of historical responsibility presumably failed his people and the high ideals of Mankind i.e. concern for the wellbeing and dignity of his fellow man.

Carla Del Ponte, the Chief Prosecutor at the Hague, is now exposed to open criticism by her peers for her overzealousness in prosecuting Mr. Haradinaj and may face charges of abuse of her powers by looming law suits. Indeed, “Prosecutor Sir Geoffery Nice QC  speculated that she wanted to use the indictment against Haradinaj as a “coin” to trade with Belgrade in order to convince the Serbian Government to hand over its high profile war criminal fugitives, Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadic.[41][44][45]”

This accusation by her own peers will continue to tarnish her career and expose her alleged inexplicable cruelty for this would presumably imply  that the fate of Ramush Haradinaj was being considered by her as a bargaining “coin”  to achieve a goal that could crown her with success in her career by capturing the real world criminals that were hiding under Serbian government protection.

Even if the future court proceedings against her alleged abuse of power were to be dismissed, she will have to live with the doubts that her behavior fostered, for in effect Ramush Haradinaj was being treated as a person in which unlawful experiments could be performed.

In ancient times, this was epitomized in the Latin locution: “Fiat experimentum in corpore vili” (Let experiment be made in a worthless body), reminiscent of so many abhorring events handling “subhuman races” in world history. The phrase was recently used in a play by Jane Taylor “Ubu and the Truth Commission,” a work about the Apartheid state and its criminal acts.

In the meantime, the people and the Independent State of Kosova continue to face the hardships of a nascent nation, in search of the serenity that they deserve to live in peace with their neighbors within the framework of a democratic, prosperous and united Europe. The  innocence of a leading commander of the Liberation Army of Kosova (UCK), as declared by the Word’s Court, will satisfy their longing for recognition that their war against genocide was just and honorable and that their sacrifices had not been in vain.

In the meantime, the wounds of the Kosovar people continue to bleed. Their hope for atonement  and asking  forgiveness on the part of the Serbian government remains as yet an unachievable goal for them as well as for Humanity which is eager to see a resolution of the latest European ethnic conflict.

Nevertheless, these same wounds, that were inflicted upon the Kosovar Albanians, helped to strengthen the resolve of their people to continue to struggle to find their deserved place in the family of European nations. The Kosovar Albanians can definitely look upon the future with confidence. Their state is now recognized by one hundred and one nations and  its membership to the European Union has become a desirable  goal not only for the Kosovar people but for the European Union as well. Indeed, many of its members participated, as part of NATO, under the leadership of the United States, in the war against Yugoslavia to protect the Kosovar people from extinction.

As Europe becomes more integrated with the addition of other Balkan states, the United Nations’ membership for the state of Kosova will become a reality as well.

Once again, the United States will be there to make sure that Kosova, as a full-fledged member of the United Nations, will have the opportunity to give its contribution to this august World Institution.

The Kosovars may finally rejoice for their children and grandchildren will be able to grow up as citizens of  a United Europe and enjoy all the privileges that such a status would offer to them. The sacrifices of their parents and forefathers, finally have yielded their desired effect. At long last, the Kosovar Albanians have become  masters of their own fate!