Enisa Murseli Gjokaj
Abstract
This study explores the migration experiences and evolving identities of Montenegrin women who emigrated to the United States since 1970. Through personal narratives and interviews, it sheds light on the unique challenges and triumphs faced by female emigrants in adapting to a new cultural landscape while preserving their heritage. The study highlights themes of resilience, identity transformation, and the influence of socio-political changes on their journeys. By sharing diverse personal stories, it aims to provide a nuanced understanding of the intersection between gender, migration, and identity within the Montenegrin diaspora.
Introduction
Migration is a profound and transformative experience that shapes the lives of individuals and communities. For many women, the journey of emigration encompasses not only physical relocation but also a complex process of identity formation and cultural adaptation. This research delves into the narratives of Montenegrin women who migrated to the United States from 1970 onwards, a period marked by significant socio-political changes in Montenegro and broader global dynamics.
The decision to leave one’s home country is influenced by a multitude of factors, including economic opportunities, educational aspirations, and in many cases there is a big question If she was following her personal aspirations or her husband’s ambitions. For Montenegrin women, this journey is often laden with additional challenges related to gender norms and expectations. As they navigate new landscapes, these women experience a dual negotiation of identity—balancing the preservation of their cultural roots while embracing the diverse opportunities available in their host country. It is critical to recognize that women, including migrant women, are also powerful agents and leaders in their families and communities, and at national and international level, providing resources for their families, facilitating migration, and adapting during displacement (IOM
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Migration)1.
This introduction sets the stage for examining the intersectionality of migration, gender, and identity as articulated through personal stories. By highlighting the experiences of three interviewed women from different backgrounds, the research aims to illustrate the rich tapestry of their lives, capturing both the struggles and the triumphs they encounter along their paths. Additionally, the research aims to contribute to a broader understanding of the Montenegrin diaspora from and the inherent strength found in community and shared experiences.
Through qualitative analysis and narrative methodology, this study will present the voices of female emigrants Rabija, Marija and Julia, coming from different backgrounds situating their stories within the larger context of migration literature. Ultimately, the research seeks to illuminate the resilience of Montenegrin women and the ways in which their migration journeys redefine their identities, enriching both their lives and the cultural landscapes of the United States, from New York to Detroit.
1. Access to education
Understanding the educational experiences of women migrants during this time provides valuable insight into the complexities of migration, gender roles, and access to education.
Montenegro in the 1970s:
When we talk about the status of educated girls in Montenegro during this period, which was part of the former Yugoslavia, cannot forget to mention government’s efforts to improve education access for women, including the elimination of illiteracy. In the interview with Rabije Cetkovic (1935),” Although her parents didn’t let her go to school, she taught herself to read and write.” iR.C. for the first time went to night school in Germany where she learned German, while her husband had finished primary school, several years later she also got the driving license, during waiting time for the invitation letter for USA. This should highlight cultural expectations and the role of gender in education, while more women were enrolling in schools, societal norms often prioritized domestic roles for women. This research is exploring how women migrants who left Montenegro for the better life in USA, experienced education differently, particularly with respect
1https://environmentalmigration.iom.int/gender-migration-environment-and-climate-change
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to adapting to new educational systems and possible language barriers. In the interview with Marija Ivezaj (1948), she started primary school but after the 4th grade her parents didn’t let her to continue.ii Right after marriage, they traveled to Rome, waiting the political asylum for USA in a Red Cross camp for 8 months, where she learned to speak and read Italian.
Regardless of region and the age, female migrants are becoming more educated since 1980. Significantly, the increase in the migration of women is true among both the lesser-skilled and highly-skilled, with more highly-skilled women emigrating from less economically developed countries (Dumont, Martin, & Spielvogel, 2007)2. Overall, women migrants from Montenegro were more highly exploited due to lower wages and risky working conditions, just because of the tradition that girls don’t need to go to school.
USA in the 1970s:
By examine the advancements in women’s education in the USA during the 1970s, including the effects of the feminist movement, which advocated for gender equality in all areas, including education. This research is discussing the rise of programs aimed at increasing female participation in higher education and various fields traditionally dominated by men. Considering the experiences of women migrants, many of whom came from various backgrounds, and their access to educational opportunities in the USA, this includes challenges such as cultural adaptation, discrimination, or the need to balance work and family responsibilities while pursuing education.
By exploring differences in curricula and educational approaches. For instance, when Julia V.iii emigrated to USA from Montenegro, she had finished only 4th grade primary education, she still was not 18 when she was searching a job in New York, and it was very hard for her to find a job even as a cleaning lady. With help of the Montenegrin community in NY, she started working and learning a language with her neighbors. She explains in that time NY needed a lot of workers because of the Vietnam War situation, her husband finds a job as super (building supervisor) and she was working as a housekeeper.
But also, cultural attitudes toward women’s education influenced school enrollment, teaching methods, and support for female students in both regions. How migration impacted the educational
2 Women on the Move:The Neglected Gender Dimension of the Brain Drain. Jean-Christophe Dumont, John P. Martin, Gilles Spielvogel, July 2007
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opportunities of women. For example, did Montenegrin women who migrated to the USA have better access to education? We will see throe answers of several interviewed migrants. How did their previous educational experiences shape their journeys, or were they at all allowed to go to school at all, as they are coming from very patriarchal societies.
The importance of understanding the educational experiences of women migrants from Montenegro in the context of global migration trends, we should know that even if they didn’t had strong educational background, that didn’t stop them from learning and exploring the dream country. By understanding of gender dynamics discussions on policies that promote equitable educational opportunities for women worldwide, those women from our research are the first generation of migrants homeschooled and then continuing further education in USA. Now they are proud grandmas of doctors, engineers, police officers and science researchers.
2. Women’s careers in the 1970s in Montenegro and the USA
This period was marked by a growing awareness of women’s rights and the importance of gender equality, though the realities of women’s careers differed significantly between the two contexts. By examining the career opportunities for women in Montenegro alongside those in the USA, especially for female migrants, we can gain insights into the challenges and achievements faced by women during this transformative era.
Women in Montenegro (1970s):
The socio-economic landscape of Montenegro during the 1970s, emphasizes that Montenegro was part of communist Yugoslavia. In that time government policies aimed to promote women’s participation in the workforce, such as equal opportunity mandates and workplace rights, which enabled many women to enter fields like education, healthcare, and industry. Highlighting the traditional gender roles that often placed women in domestic or caregiving positions despite the push for workforce participation. This explains that the best career for women in that time was to be Good Wife- Good Mum, without asking them about their dreams or offering them to choose between career and marriage. Transnational theory provides a framework for understanding how the migration experience impacts identity. How the woman’s narrative reflects her navigation of multiple identities as she integrates aspects of both her Montenegrin heritage and her new American identity, shaping her educational aspirations and experiences. The research of the women migrants from 1970 and 1980s begin to include women but did not cause a dramatic shift in thinking why she emigrated, how immigration was explained or the consequences. One of the
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central questions about women during this period was whether migration “modernized” women, emancipating them their assumed traditional values and behaviors (Boyd &Grieco,2003)3.
Women in the USA (1970s):
Exploring the impact of the women’s liberation movement in the USA during the 1970s, which fought for workplace equality, reproductive rights, and anti-discrimination laws. The increase in female participation in higher education and professional fields, such as law, medicine, and business. But also the emergence of legislation which prohibited discrimination based on sex in federally funded education programs and activities, helping to open more career doors for women. Gender is deeply embedded in determining who moves, how those moves take place, and the resultant futures of migrant women and families(Boyd &Grieco,2003)4.
After moving in Detroit, USA, Rabije Cetkovic (1935) got employed in Chrysler factory together with her husband, English wasn’t a barrier because the managers spoke German language. Rabije C. says during her work in the factory, at the department of automotive lighting she learned English, although many of her colleagues spoke all the Balkan languages.
Marija Ivezaj (1948), during the interview stated that after arriving in USA, they lived in New York, Chicago and Detroit. She started as a housekeeper in the building they lived and after learning the language she got a job in a restaurant. She was and still is biggest support to her kids and grandchildren for education and career development.
While Julia Vukelj (1954) explains that for the first time in her life, when she was working with her husband in one apartment in Manhattan she saw a man serving a woman, she felt cultural shock when the men light his wife a cigar and fills her glass with whiskey while she is sitting on a sofa. After that she said to her husband- from now on if you want water go and take it, if you want a
3 Women and migration: Incorporating gender into international migration theory, M.Boyd and E.Grieco, March 2003
4 Women and migration: Incorporating gender into international migration theory, M.Boyd and E.Grieco, March 2003
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lunch take it from the oven and put it on your plate, because all women should have equal rights starting from their home, family.
3. Language Barriers
The language proficiency directly affected job opportunities for female migrants from Montenegro. Many women may have faced challenges in securing jobs that matched their skills and qualifications due to limited English proficiency. The types of jobs that female migrants often settled for, which may have been lower-skilled or lower-paying positions depended due to their inability to communicate effectively in English.
While analyzing how language barriers hindered women’s access to educational opportunities and vocational training programs that could have enabled them to advance in their careers. Some of the women migrants from Montenegro may have been unable to enroll in English language courses or professional development programs due to their limited language skills, but also because they had
small kids, husbands working two jobs and no one to help them at home. One of the most fundamental questions related to the study of women’s migration concerns the extent to which women move across borders. The publication “Trends in Total Migrant Stock: The 2005 Revision “(United Nations 2006) estimates that women represent half of the world’s migrant population in 2005- that is approximately 95milion women. Despite the increased interest in women migrants, data on international migration remain surprisingly gender blind (Morrison, Schiff, Sjöblom, 2007)5.
The language barriers affected social integration and community building. Limited English proficiency leaded to social isolation, preventing female migrants from forming connections with native-born Americans and other migrant communities. Marija Ivezaj says, she was only going out in her community church, where she felt confident because everyone was understanding her. While Rabije Cetkovic says, that a lot of people from Balkan worked in Chrysler factory, and they were connected like a big family, but they faced misunderstanding in critical areas like healthcare access and legal rights which further complicated their integration process.
The language barriers might have affected the preservation of cultural identity among Montenegrin women in the USA. For some, the challenge of learning English lead to a feeling of disconnection
5 The International Migration of Women, Andrew R. Morrison, Maurice Schiff, Mirja Sjöblom · 2007
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from both their new environment and their native culture.
In the interview with Julia Vukelj, she explains the role of Montenegrin communities and organizations in New York, helping women and kids to overcome language barriers. Her kids were taking Montenegrian lessons until secondary school. These communities often provide resources, such as language classes and mentorship programs, to facilitate integration. Such programs may have been crucial for helping Montenegrin women improve their language skills and integrate into American society.
In conclusion, language barriers served as a significant hurdle for Montenegrin female migrants in the USA during the 1970s, impacting their employment opportunities, educational access, social integration, and overall quality of life. Many women may have taken initiatives to learn English attending classes, through self-study together with the kids when they started school, or participating in community events organized in churches or a mosque.
4. Her Story: A Journey of Dreams and Decisions
Let’s explore the intricate motivations behind a woman’s decision to migrate from Montenegro to the USA.
While interviewing those women I asked a lot of questions about her early life in Montenegro, her family, education, and career ambitions. At that time, all the answers were the same: it’s was very difficult for a girl to make her own decisions about her future, as most families determined whether she would attend school and whom she would marry.
Asking Marija.I noted, society norms and expectations regarding women’s role were challenging in the 70tis, especially coming from a poor family in Montenegro, until she saw independent women for the first time in USA.
Exploring the role of husband in the decision-making process. When I asked Rabija C. did her husband encouraged her to pursue her dreams, or was it primarily his career that initiated the move? She said that in the beginning she was supporting him, because that’s how are the cultural norms and what is expected from the wife, but when they sow western style both of them agreed that she needs to attend night school, learn new language and prepare herself to start working. It was very interesting, she explains when she was coming back home how other women and girls were watching her, when she was telling that she went to school or got the driving license. Coming from a very patriarchal society, which was rejecting equal structures, those ladies were the true heroines.
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I asked Julia V. if she was following her dream to migrate for better future of her husbands, and she answers she was very young when she married 16y old girl in that time was not supposed to have dreams just to follow her husband and to pray that everything will be ok. As some neighbors and uncles migrated they were telling positive stories of the western world and how their life improved and started better earning money than in Montenegro. The story of better life heard from relatives and neighbors made Julia and her husband to immigrate, but and many more Montenegrins to follow their path.
Moreover, the study underscores the important role of community and social networks in facilitating the integration process. The bonds formed with fellow emigrants and the support received from local organizations played a crucial role in helping these women adapt to their new environment. These connections not only provided practical assistance but also fostered a sense of belonging and shared identity among the emigrants.
Conclusion
The narratives captured in this research highlight the complex interplay between migration and identity experienced by women who moved from Montenegro to the USA since the 1970s. Through personal interviews, this study sheds light on the diverse motivations that prompted these women to leave their homeland—ranging from economic opportunities to the pursuit of personal freedoms and escape from patriarchal constraints.
The accounts reveal a rich tapestry of experiences, illustrating how these women navigated cultural adjustments, language barriers, and the challenges of establishing new roots in a foreign land. What the three grandmas they have in common, is that they were very young when they left a very traditional family and community in Montenegro, and they never stopped fighting for their rights, encouraging the new generation that women have an important role in the society. A significant theme emerging from the interviews is the resilience and strength that defined their journeys. Rabija, Marija and Julia articulated how their experiences of migration reshaped their identities,
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allowing them to embrace a hybrid cultural existence that honors both Montenegrin heritage and American influences.
In conclusion, the migration journey of women from Montenegro to the USA is not just a story of relocation but a profound transformation of identity. This research contributes to a broader understanding of the female experience in migration, emphasizing that the journey is as much about personal growth and identity reconstruction as it is about physical movement. Future studies should continue to explore these dynamics, particularly in relation to the evolving narratives of subsequent generations and the ongoing impact of sociopolitical changes on migration patterns.
i Cetkovic,Rabije. Emigrated in USA in Jun 1972. Personal interview. 25 August 2024. ii Ivezaj, Marija. Emigrated in USA in Apr 1969. Personal interview. 29 September 2024. iii Vukelj,Julia, Emigrated in Jan 1970. Personal interview 14 November 2024.
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