Dielli | The Sun

Albanian American Newspaper Devoted to the Intellectual and Cultural Advancement of the Albanians in America | Since 1909

URIME DHE MESAZHE PER DITEN E FLAMURIT

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Rafaela Prifti/

Dielli falenderon lexuesit e bashkëpunëtorët, anëtarët e Vatrës dhe të gjithë bashkësisë shqiptare për urimet e dërguara redaksisë për Ditën e Flamurit. Shumë mesazhe e përshëndetje janë botuar në faqet e numrit special të gazetës që do ta keni në duar këto ditë. Sot për faqen e portalit kemi përzgjedhur katër letra dhe urime nga humanistë e dijetarë, intelektualë dhe studiues në të cilat shprehet porosia dhe vizioni i tyre për Pavarësinë. Lexoni sesi Profesor Dr. Sami Repishti na quan “Vëllazën, Motra” dhe bën thirrje “të punojmë si qytetarë të ndershëm, e të provojmë se shqiptarët në Amerikë janë qytetarë të ndershëm, punëtorë, dhe të vendosun me reflektue vlerat tona kombëtare e morale të besës, nderit, burrnisë, mikpritjes e të tjera për të cilat na krenohemi.” 

Në urimin e tij Kancelari i Përndershëm i Shën Gjergjit në Boston Imzot Artur Liolin, bashkërendit “festën e dhënies së falenderimeve dhe Ditën e Pavarësisë si bekime për bashkësinë fetare dhe interesat kombëtare për gati një shekull.” 

Shkrimtari Naum Prifti me krijimin e një legjende shqiptare për një luftëtar të lirisë si Pjetër Shini tregon se prijës i vërtetë është ai që ka me vete një popull: “Pjetër Shini kishte thënë se ai do të luftonte sa t’i  regëtinte zemra, sa t’i kishte forcë krahu e sa t’i shihte dritë syri. Cilido që i thoshte vetes arbër dhe e donte atdheun të lirë ishte bashkë me të në beteja kundër turqve si dhe në çdo odë shqiptari që donte lirinë.” 

Studiuesi Eugjen Merlika e vendos theksin tek Shpallja e Mëvehtësisë së Shqipërisë si momenti kur kombi njësohet me problemin e tij kryesor, cungimin. “Çështja kombëtare qe barra më e rëndë që politika shqiptare, që në aktin e themelimit të Shtetit, e mbarti gjithmonë në supe e në shpirt, madje ajo u bë masa e vlerësimit të forcës e dobisë së saj.” 

Secili urim është edhe porosi. Shpallja e Pavarësisë ishte akt i vetëdijshëm që u mundësua nga shumë faktorë dhe që u rrezikua qysh në momentet e para nga shumë faktorë të tjerë. Sado larg të duket data 28 Nëntor 1912 në kohë, ne nuk jemi për asnjë moment larg saj sepse çdo shqiptar është element përbërës i pavarësisë së Shqipërisë. Vetëm ata që e vlerësojnë këtë përgjegjësi janë të vetëdijshëm për të gjitha sakrificat që e mundësuan atë dhe për të gjitha rreziqet që i kanosen asaj sot.

The Making of an American Holiday

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by Rafaela Prifti

A Massachusetts museum dedicated to the English colony of Plymouth and local indigenous tribes has opened a new exhibit to mark the 400th anniversary of Thanksgiving.

“We Gather Together: Thanksgiving, Gratitude, and the Making of an American Holiday” is a newly opened exhibit that marks the 400th anniversary of Thanksgiving. On display there are rarely seen artifacts from Massachusetts museum’s collection. Complete with a replica colonial village and reeanactors in Plymouth, the exhibit explores the relationship between the indigenous people and English colonists to “better understand the events that led to the First Thanksgiving,” announced the museum.

Although the English colony of Plymouth and local indigenous tribes had shared meals together, the harvest gathering in the autumn of 1621 helped inspire the holiday that was nationally recognized in the 19th century, the museum said.

Although Plymouth is home to “America’s Hometown Thanksgiving Parade”, several other states claim to have held the first Thanksgiving. There are reports that organizers of the annual Virginia Thanksgiving Festival have long insisted that English settlers in their state were the true originators in 1619 — two years before the Pilgrims held their famous feast. Some historians in Texas contend that an even earlier Thanksgiving was held in El Paso in 1598. The Jacksonville Historical Society in Florida argues the first feast involving Spanish settlers and Indigenous people occurred in 1565.

The story goes back to a few lines written by English colonist Edward Winslow describing a harvest-time meal event held in the fall of 1621 at Plymouth Colony in what is now Massachusetts.

Four hundred years later, “Instead of perpetuating a myth, institutions like Plymouth’s Pilgrim Hall Museum and Plimoth Patuxet Museums are acknowledging just how little information about the gathering survives, in addition to exploring the layered, devastating ramifications of the ostensibly festive feast. The new dialogue more carefully examines the complicated relationship between early English settlers and the Wampanoag who’d lived in the coastal community they called Patuxet for some 10,000 years by the time of the three-day celebration—probably held in late September or early October, after the crops were brought in.” Smithsonian Magazine, November 23, 2021.

“Saga of Albanians in America begins in Massachusetts”

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by Rafaela Prifti

Thoughts on Thanksgiving prayer delivered by Bishop Fan Noli in the Massachusetts Senate in 1952

The origin of the Thanksgiving holiday predates the arrival of Albanians to this land. The early records from the Fan Noli Archive show the first Albanian oldcomers to America were Arberesh. They fled to Southern Italy between 14th and 18th century to escape the Ottoman invasion. “The Arberesh landed in Boston in the mid 1800s”, writes Neka Doko, Albanian Chancery at Fan Noli Library and Cultural Center.

“The second wave occurred later on when a small body of men from the Southern regions of Albania came directly to America, documented in our library as the second Albanian oldcomers of Boston in the late of 1800s. They were the first recorded Albanians from Albania to immigrate to Massachusetts at this time”, says the author in her paper titled In Massachusetts, from Pilgrim Fathers to Noli’s Albanian Journey (Dielli Newspaper, November Issue, 2019)

To bring together today’s theme of the event, the location and the Albanians who made the New World their home, it is appropriate to reproduce part of the Thanksgiving prayer delivered by Bishop Fan Noli, in the Massachusetts Senate, printed in the Journal of the Senate in 1952:

“We thank Thee, O Lord, for the countless blessings Thou hast showered on us. We thank Thee for the privilege of living in this country of freedom and opportunity. We thank Thee for the privilege of living in this progressive State, where the noble spirit of the Pilgrim Fathers still prevails. We thank Thee for the privilege of living in this city of learning, with its famous schools and universities. We beseech Thee to make us worthy of all these blessings, and enable us to use for Thy glory the benefits we derive from our rich environment. Help us to work for the welfare of the Albanian people, for the salvation of humanity, and for the establishment of Thy Kingdom on hearth.”

The origin of the holiday predates the arrival of Albanians to this land. Today we are not less thankful for the “privilege of living in this country of freedom and opportunity” as Noli says in the 1952 prayer. In the 21st century, the preeminent scholar that placed a high estimate on learning would appreciate and advocate that along with giving thanks on this holiday, we give thoughts to exploring its history through well-informed examination and careful consideration.

The Problem with America’s Semi-Rich

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Summary by Rafaela Prifti/

Rather than focusing or even blaming the 0.1 percent for America’s economic woes, philosopher and historian Matthew Stewart, takes aim at the upper middle class in his latest book “The 9.9 percent” The New Aristocracy That Is Entrenching Inequality and Warping Our Culture (Simon & Schuster) Here is a list of defining characteristics of today’s American upper-middle class, as the author presents it: “they are hyper-focused on getting their kids into great schools and themselves into great jobs, at which they’re willing to work super-long hours. They believe in meritocracy. They want to live in great neighborhoods, even if that means keeping others out, and will pay what it takes to ensure their families’ fitness and health. They believe in markets. They’re rich, but they don’t feel like it — they’re always looking at someone else who’s richer. They’re also terrified.” On the one hand, this 9.9 percent drives inequality — they want to lock in their positions for themselves and their families — on the other, they’re also driven by inequality. They recognize that American society is increasingly one of have-nots, and they’re determined not to be one of them. 

The new book focuses on the space between 0.1 percent and the 90 percent that’s often overlooked – the 9.9 percent that resides between them. Matthew Stewart has been interviewed by several outlets. Here is a brief summary of some of his interviews:

Why focus on the 9.9 percent?

A lot of us are sliding in and out of a middle group that is much more complicit than we’re willing to acknowledge. We talk about Jeff Bezos [’86] and Elon Musk all day long. But there is this group below that, which even if it isn’t increasing its relative share [of the economic pie], it’s holding on. That makes it very distinct from the bottom 90 percent that is falling behind.

Who are these 9.9 percent?

The statistical side of it is very imprecise. I don’t think of the 9.9 percent as just everybody who has more than a certain amount of money and less than another amount of money. I see it more as a culture, and it’s a culture that tends to lead people into the 9.9 percent of the wealth distribution. It’s a cultural construct that is defined by attitudes toward family, toward identity issues about gender and race, by education and educational status and the idea of what constitutes a good career, which is mainly professional and managerial.

What does the middle class culture look like? How do they separate themselves out?

The guiding ideology is essentially that of a meritocracy. The driving idea is that people get where they are in society through a combination of talent and work and study. The main measures of that are educational attainment and material well-being, and anything that we provide to society or other people is on top or on the side of that and is a reflection of our own virtue and not in any way necessary for social functioning or part of a good life. It’s always, essentially, a sacrifice.

The obvious place to look for it is the whole college admissions game. I put a lot of emphasis on the family aspect because I think that’s a place where you really see in operation the attitudes and practices that go into child rearing and family formation. You have at least two very different groups emerging in American society. At a high level, you have people who have their kids late in life after getting a lot of education, have fewer kids, and invest massively in them. And then you have a large group that is much closer to the traditional style of having kids early and not investing as heavily in them — although many of them, of course, try to emulate the practices of the upper-middle class.

You write about how much this 9.9 percent are willing to invest in their children — in nannies, in schools, in extracurriculars. Where does this pressure come from, this urge to make their kids the best?

I think the driving motivation is fear, and I think that fear is well-grounded. People intuit that in this meritocratic game, the odds are getting increasingly long of succeeding. They work very hard to stack the odds in their kids’ favor, but they know as the odds get longer, they may not succeed.

How do you distinguish between meritocracy and what you call “the merit myth?”

Meritocracy means that we allocate power in our society through open, transparent, and rational standards. The merit myth is, in essence, that everybody in our society gets what they deserve according to their individual merit, and our economic product is nothing but the sum of a bunch of individual merits. And that is wrong, it’s false, and it’s dangerous.

What’s your basic argument?

Rising inequality has corrupted some of the essential ideals of America’s middle class. It has taken what I think is a sensible, good, and, in some ways, revolutionary project to build a society that’s fair, open, transparent, where everyone’s judged on merit, and turned it into something that’s more like its opposite.

What is the role of the 9.9 percent in making this better?

The key contribution of the 9.9 percent, the culture of the 9.9 percent, is going to be to return to the actual original values of America’s upper-middle class. If you get rid of the false idea of meritocracy that everyone earns what they deserve and substitute the idea that meritocracy means holding power accountable to rational standards of public scrutiny, you have a class that can actively contribute in a positive way toward equality. There are some core values in what we call meritocracy — of holding power accountable to reason, of treating people as equals under the law, of making deliberations public, and professionalism. All of those core values are intrinsically good things. What’s happened is that inequality perverts and distorts them. The contribution of the 9.9 percent would be to pursue those.

A CALL FOR CONVERSATION

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by Rafaela Prifti

In Response to Merita Bajraktari’s Call for Conversion

Dear Merita,

I protect your right to express your views whatever they may be because I believe that is the American way!

That also means I would not judge you based on your past! 

Let me see if I understand the main argument of your letter. 

You are saying that you, Merita, unlike Saule, if called by your own government, will be serving this great country, with all your heart, despite your past membership at the Communist Labor Youth Union of Albania and such organizations. Because in spite of the communist indoctrination in Albania, YOU did NOT become a Communist, right Merita? In fact, you became a staunch anti-communist, right Merita? But Saule NO!  Unlike you, Saule’s past makes her a communist! 

And the difference between you and Saule is that you were not promoted through the ranks and you did not study Communist Theory like Saule did, right? Because if you did, you would know where your thesis is at this moment. And because Saule says she doesn’t know that proves she is a communist, right? Am I following your logic so far? In other words, had you studied Communist Theory and were not aware of your thesis location, that would prove your malicious agenda towards this country and adherence to communism. 

By the same logic, you must have been furious when at the nomination hearings Judge Amy Barret did not make most of her papers available to Congress. Did you write an article then? Where you defending “the American way” then? 

Take a step back for a moment and consider this: two women who grew up in countries that were part of the eastern block, and had similar young adult experiences under communism, later migrated to the US, and as immigrants both made a good life for themselves in their adopted country. Years later, both women are American citizens, but one of them claims she is anti-communist denouncing the other one “as a communist”. Doesn’t that scenario sound familiar? Didn’t communists use to practice this form of denouncing by condemning people they did not agree with? Or who held different believes and opinions from them? Indeed your own family was subjected to that in Albania?

What happened to you Merita? What makes you think you are a better American than I? or Saule? How do you measure that? 

Do you claim to love America more than I? Or Saule? What proof of love do you need to see? 

What gives you the sense of entitlement to make the call on “what is American”? 

What can be more American than to accept that we all love this country and want to see it prosper for all? 

In essence, the basis of your claim that the brainwashing comes from the left is both inaccurate and untrue. There is more than one type of indoctrination and there is a lot of it going around on all sides. 

While you call for Conversion, I call for Conversation.

Lastly, you are right, “it is time to reflect”…as it is also time for some self-reflection!

* The author of the letter published on this website owns her own words. The writer is an American citizen of Albanian nationality. She is a recipient of a Fulbright Scholarship, holds an MA in Cultural Anthropology, has written studies on Albanian language and numerous articles in English and Albanian.